Book Review: Non-fiction/Beyond the Crisis State,Edited by Maleeha Lodhi, Rupa Publications/2011, 391 pp; Rs495 {Hardback}
Maleeha Lodhi, a seasoned diplomat and journalist from Pakistan has presented an out of box thinking on her crisis ridden nation. Barring few, the total seventeen essays of this book introduces the readers to an alternative side of Pakistan, which is more humane and less skewed. In the beginning, Ayesha Jalal gives a very fair historical narration of Pakistan through her piece/ The Past as Present…she on her level best proved again that free voices are mean for free flow. Next essay/ Why Jinnah Matters by Akber Ahmed is the single biggest blunder of this book…his relying on Jinnah’s virulent ideas stands against the idea of this anthology. Feroze Hassan Khan’s Pakistan as a nuclear State, Munir Akram’s Reversing Strategic ‘Shrinkage’ and The India Factor by Syed Rifaat Hussain disappoints with the surprising assertion of stereo typed misconceptions that have been dampening factors for Pakistan as a modern nation state.
The lead essay written by Maleeha succeeded to form a new kind of overview on Pakistan where emphasis have accorded to the areas hitherto been neglected in the realm of social research and even literature. Rest essays are routes through similar conceptions and highlight another face of Pakistan, beyond its notorious feudal structure and undefined democracy. Stress on the untapped or under tapped potential of Pakistan’s economy and its elite educated middle class reminds that all the Pakistani’s are not in romance with “enigma of terror”, rather they are closer to the reality and aspiring for a life based on well searched trajectories. This optimism is incorrigible, even though it manifests the will of a chunk of Pakistan’s population that’s sophisticated and knows the plight of living in anti-modern political/military climax!
Sixty-four years back, Lord Mountbatten accomplished the India’s brutal division on communal line and placing the contemporary political action in the desired cage of hibernation and reactionism. The immediate fallouts came with a toll of life around half million people and civilisations most traumatic human displacement that permanently fixed the hatredness as a central locale in South Asia. An ill conceived nation, Pakistan, even damned its self more in the further course with consistent military misrules and inconsistent democratic interventions. Idea of economy and human developments were backyarded for engaging India in strategic race…all that have been happening at the cost of undermining India’s vibrant fundamentals and its voyage as a nation in making with impressive economies of scale.
This book atleast shows the way, where to make changes that can reestablished the confidence of those citizens who weighs normally more than the cacophony of rulers with no moral ground. Most of the contributors of this work have international recognition in their own sphere, so sharing of candid ideas will be sure proliferate rational understanding on Pakistan. Ahead, the discourse should be lead to a point, where apart from middle class, the will of higher and bottom classes could be judged through an optimum standard-democracy or destabilization? Pakistan must have to follow a normal path instead being a wayward wayfarer of China, as U.S has already started displaying its maximum apathy to Pakistan’s perilous dualism on terrorism…also noticeably, China should not be expected to eclipse the strategic dominance of U.S in short or medium run. This time, Pakistan is at the crossroad and has no pathfinder that could show it the way of course correction…like a nasty teenager, unwillingly but finally Pakistan has to be fit with a universally acceptable character. Integrated worlds demand it and Pakistan can’t show any more hitches on behavioural side.
Though implicitly, voices heard from this book streamlines the Pakistan’s potential ideal agenda by following the path of progress and targeting the goal of human development over the foolish programming of bomb and weaponry maximization. Besides, there is also no reason, why Pakistan can’t engage India as the most essential ally…alone a progress on this particular issue will solve the sizable adversities of Pakistan. Delinking from Kashmir and trustable partnership with the neighbours will give Pakistan a prominent position in the subcontinent and that will be millionth time better than the parasiteness on U.S dollars. Pakistan: Beyond the Crisis State, is a forceful intervention for much needed change to the betterment of ongoing suffering prospects in the backdrop of Pakistan’s incessant misadventures with its basic existence. Pakistan and the world together, should admit that the incubation of terror always pays dividend and obviously in very bad and high scale. Optimism for ones nation is fine enough, so shall be the following actions…ahead of lip services!
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 25, 2011, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Tuesday, October 25, 2011
Monday, October 17, 2011
Routes of Alternative Finances
Peter Drucker said “Because of its purpose is to create a customer, the business has two and only two functions: marketing and innovation. Marketing and innovation produce results. All the rest are costs”. Indeed once we are looking on the alternative finances for small and medium scale businesses, we found innovation and its skilled marketing as only way out for reaching a desirable end. Barring the finances from banks/ Venture Capitalists/ Private Equity, there are only few institutional routes of business financing…afterall, even we can’t rely on highly suspicious routes of Sovereign Wealth Funds {SWF} and Participatory Notes {PN}, which bears no accountability and simply creates a myopic illusion of something better!
But world is not without choices. Improving access to Community/Co-operative finance for SMEs, especially in their initial investment and the infusion of equity among its stakeholders could be a healthy way for SMEs to tap into its growth and innovative potential. However, a large number of SME may face an equity gap. When their initial funds will be exhausted, entrepreneurs have to obtain external finance to develop their project. Financing SMEs is, often considered a risky investment on account of the low rates of return; specifically during the seed phase. In India, lack of serious business angels is another dampening factor which otherwise could invest in young innovative SMEs. The inability to obtain early stage investment, narrowing down many SMEs reaching a size;where they can attract expansion capital. This restrains their growth. Despite these serious odds, SMEs as sources of innovation and employment generation can be the catalyst of India’s growth. So giving them the opportunity to start up, develop and accomplish their potential outcome will make a vital contribution to the quest of Indian economy.
In last few years, obsessions for giant monolith businesses have lowered in India, which is encouraging for economy size businesses. Overarching effects of this transcendence is visible in many crucial areas, so naturally financing also poising for twists with innovations. Complexities of institutional finances, particularly flawed handling of Priority Sector Lending {PSL} by most of the Indian banks except Regional Rural Banks, necessitate for SMEs to also look on alternative sources of finance. On existing networks of co-operative institutions, a sizable number of farming based small and medium businesses have been thriving, here a think for more professionalization in these activities can let an unprecedented opportunities to the aspiring SMEs. First of all, there is need for overhauling of regulatory structure in Co-operative institutions, besides increasing focus on improving the governance inside its functional ambit.
In its working mechanism, Co-operative action relies on community participation. An individual considered here a constituent of community and a stakeholder of collective action directed for productive enterprises. It’s true, Co-operative movements have never touched its true potential in India because of inside malfunctioning and political interference in its administration albeit this will be still unthinkable to denounce its intrinsic qualities. Stable and inclusive motives of its action simply endow Co-operative action to broaden the community based businesses. In more than hundred years of its history in India, Co-operative businesses have performed very well in the states of Gujarat, Maharashtra and also once in states of U.P and Bihar. Afterall, who can forget that AMUL had started as SME in ANAND/Gujarat, under the abled leadership of great Varghese Curion…and all credit of this success goes to this man who trusted and dared for an out of box thinking by relying upon the local communities for production/financing under the umbrella of Co-operative. Today, AMUL is the most profound assertion of community lead business in all over the world; time is ripe now to move forward with the similar replications. SMEs have golden opportunities to revive a symbiotic working relation with Co-operative institutions to tap its real potential.
At initial level, concentration of capital would be infact low or near about the optimum level which will be needed a frugal management practices for SMEs to make their way forward in limited resources. But the positive factor will be the member/stakeholders very close entitlement with the venture…that means, sharing of common interest will be an unique characteristics of this model will be smoothly allow a sustainable business. Such business model on social/community action is not unheard of in India, only it needs a new pattern of execution and diversity in its expansion from primary sector businesses to secondary and tertiary as well.
Beyond the formal mode of financing, community business seems the most appropriate option for SMEs in India. As we can’t expect SMEs being funded with endowments like the Ivy League institutions of U.S or the public funding of BBC in U.K, so an equity based community model will be the best suitable route for Small and Medium Businesses {SMB} to attain their genuine goal. In India, community lead businesses have striking similarities with the Co-operative enterprises, that obviously accord reliable and proven routes for SMEs to get financed and dwell with a stable model capable of giving long term feasibility in business. A business with sound prospects must be given a fair chance…adequate remodeling of the existing Co-operative laws and improving professional governance will allow SMEs a sound alternative of financing and will also give a much needed lease to the dwindling Co-operative institutions. Excessive idealism or extreme hardening of profit motives are equally bad for a business…SMEs are increasingly doing good in India but their real potential will be realise once, they will get the multiple channel of financing. Government and industry bodies must have to come forward on this very crucial issue.
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 17, 2011, Monday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
But world is not without choices. Improving access to Community/Co-operative finance for SMEs, especially in their initial investment and the infusion of equity among its stakeholders could be a healthy way for SMEs to tap into its growth and innovative potential. However, a large number of SME may face an equity gap. When their initial funds will be exhausted, entrepreneurs have to obtain external finance to develop their project. Financing SMEs is, often considered a risky investment on account of the low rates of return; specifically during the seed phase. In India, lack of serious business angels is another dampening factor which otherwise could invest in young innovative SMEs. The inability to obtain early stage investment, narrowing down many SMEs reaching a size;where they can attract expansion capital. This restrains their growth. Despite these serious odds, SMEs as sources of innovation and employment generation can be the catalyst of India’s growth. So giving them the opportunity to start up, develop and accomplish their potential outcome will make a vital contribution to the quest of Indian economy.
In last few years, obsessions for giant monolith businesses have lowered in India, which is encouraging for economy size businesses. Overarching effects of this transcendence is visible in many crucial areas, so naturally financing also poising for twists with innovations. Complexities of institutional finances, particularly flawed handling of Priority Sector Lending {PSL} by most of the Indian banks except Regional Rural Banks, necessitate for SMEs to also look on alternative sources of finance. On existing networks of co-operative institutions, a sizable number of farming based small and medium businesses have been thriving, here a think for more professionalization in these activities can let an unprecedented opportunities to the aspiring SMEs. First of all, there is need for overhauling of regulatory structure in Co-operative institutions, besides increasing focus on improving the governance inside its functional ambit.
In its working mechanism, Co-operative action relies on community participation. An individual considered here a constituent of community and a stakeholder of collective action directed for productive enterprises. It’s true, Co-operative movements have never touched its true potential in India because of inside malfunctioning and political interference in its administration albeit this will be still unthinkable to denounce its intrinsic qualities. Stable and inclusive motives of its action simply endow Co-operative action to broaden the community based businesses. In more than hundred years of its history in India, Co-operative businesses have performed very well in the states of Gujarat, Maharashtra and also once in states of U.P and Bihar. Afterall, who can forget that AMUL had started as SME in ANAND/Gujarat, under the abled leadership of great Varghese Curion…and all credit of this success goes to this man who trusted and dared for an out of box thinking by relying upon the local communities for production/financing under the umbrella of Co-operative. Today, AMUL is the most profound assertion of community lead business in all over the world; time is ripe now to move forward with the similar replications. SMEs have golden opportunities to revive a symbiotic working relation with Co-operative institutions to tap its real potential.
At initial level, concentration of capital would be infact low or near about the optimum level which will be needed a frugal management practices for SMEs to make their way forward in limited resources. But the positive factor will be the member/stakeholders very close entitlement with the venture…that means, sharing of common interest will be an unique characteristics of this model will be smoothly allow a sustainable business. Such business model on social/community action is not unheard of in India, only it needs a new pattern of execution and diversity in its expansion from primary sector businesses to secondary and tertiary as well.
Beyond the formal mode of financing, community business seems the most appropriate option for SMEs in India. As we can’t expect SMEs being funded with endowments like the Ivy League institutions of U.S or the public funding of BBC in U.K, so an equity based community model will be the best suitable route for Small and Medium Businesses {SMB} to attain their genuine goal. In India, community lead businesses have striking similarities with the Co-operative enterprises, that obviously accord reliable and proven routes for SMEs to get financed and dwell with a stable model capable of giving long term feasibility in business. A business with sound prospects must be given a fair chance…adequate remodeling of the existing Co-operative laws and improving professional governance will allow SMEs a sound alternative of financing and will also give a much needed lease to the dwindling Co-operative institutions. Excessive idealism or extreme hardening of profit motives are equally bad for a business…SMEs are increasingly doing good in India but their real potential will be realise once, they will get the multiple channel of financing. Government and industry bodies must have to come forward on this very crucial issue.
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 17, 2011, Monday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Sunday, October 16, 2011
Reckoning OECD Reports!
More than the fear of cyclical recession and failure of financial institutions, the biggest worry for the global economy in the twenty-first century is that all OECD economies, which shaped, dominated and furthered the growth of global trade in twentieth century appears to have lost their edge and steam for the first time in modern period. The three major economies zones-US, EU and Japan are expected to entwine with a long-term low growth trap with additional risk of periodic recessions. The OECD reports of 2011 simply acknowledges the impending grim prospects in its constituent economies and projecting the emerging economies, especially India, China and Brazil as new engines of growth in twenty-first century. It’s indeed an unprecedented privilege for India to respond these new international trade fundamentals which can make advance it prospects at many levels.
Report on Economic Policy Reforms: Going for Growth, underlines it more resolutely as “India continues to achieve one of the highest rates of GDP per capita growth in the world. Nevertheless, the income gap with OECD countries remains large, primarily reflecting low levels of labour productivity, calling for further reforms to support rapid and inclusive growth". Incremental reforms of administrative regulation introduced by governments at all levels have led to some improvement in the operating environment for business. However, more fundamental reforms are needed in specific sectors. Obviously recommendations have referring for more liberalisation with lesser regulatory intervention. That simply forward a “dichotomous scenario” with the kind of “reforms”, India has been carrying in last two decades. This particular report is unable to broaden the distinct choices of economic reforms, which emerging economies can pursue in the days ahead. So with concentrating on better prospects, India should rely on its own model of reform instead following the bandwagon of saturated economies!
OECD Economic Outlook {No.89, May2011} presents the overall picture of global economy with special coverage of ongoing slowdown. It wrongly articulates that the global recovery is becoming self-sustained and more broad based but then why unemployment remain high across most of the OECD countries? Rather as policy recommendations, stress should have strongly oriented towards structural reforms which could play a key role while taking into account of country-specific needs and institutional features. In emerging economies too, structural reforms could make growth more sustainable and inclusive while contributing to global rebalancing and enhancing long-term capital flows. Ofcourse inflation will be remain a cause of concern in the emerging economies which will be remain a cause of concern in the emerging economies which will need judicious monetary policies for addressal, not for blindly making action on what OECD reports suggests! It will be also wrong to follow that fiscal consolidation and prudence shall be alone confined with the advanced economies; rather it should be equally concern the nations aspiring to be significantly slotted in world trade. Apprehension of this report is now very much in action as downside risks are on the verge of interaction in US/EU, and their cumulative impacts could weaken the recovery substantially, it may also lead to stagflationary developments in some of the advanced economies. Moreover, it will be a blunder to believe that higher inflation could address debt sustainability. Even it could perilously flirt with inflationary expectations, with the outcome that interest rates would soon increase more than inflation. This knowledge paper is somehow closer to the ground realities but not without missing and confusing some of the major challenges of sustainable growth.
OECD Economic Surveys: India {June, 2011}, highlights the risk of inflation and volatile capital flows, which are indeed the most formidable challenges for India’s uninterrupted growth story. Report acknowledges well that fiscal consolidation has resumed and new frameworks may help. It’s true, prior to 2008, nice progress had been made in reducing large fiscal deficits at the central and state levels under targets set out in the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act {FRBMA, 2003}. In the mean years, government finance had sharply down yet few quintessential welfare subsidies on oil, debt writes off, enhanced salaries provisions, tax cuts etc, in the response to slowdown are tolling pressure on fiscal discipline. Here, is a need of new policy measures that can balance the chord of welfare expanses and fiscal discipline.
Chapter-1{Sustaining growth and improving living standards}, emphasizes that expansionary macroeconomic policies cushioned the downturn and domestic demand led the recovery. It’s also true, private investment which benefitted from ongoing liberalisation and high private saving was a vital source of growth. But not to forget also the pre-crisis period was also characterised by a high degree of macroeconomic stability, reflecting benign economic conditions in advanced economies. Comparatively, India weathered the global downturn well like other emerging economies. India also suffered as liquidity constrained firms and banks in advanced economies reduced foreign asset holding to shore up their balance sheets which witnessed sharp capital outflow…that’s still an ongoing concern of international market. On the contra side, another fearsome possibility is that strong capital inflows could put upward pressure on the rupee, raising the prospect of worsening competitiveness and a further widening in the Current Account Deficit {CAD}, which is already high by historical standards. Since mid 2010, the nominal effective exchange rate has gradually depreciated but with relatively high inflation, albeit the real effective exchange rate has been relatively stable. The exchange rate policy has evolved and the capital account has continued to open up gradually, even though progress has been uneven and it remains relatively closed. Post Asian crisis in 1997, the rupee was linked closely to the dollar which influenced the further course. Though RBI has been promoting counter-cyclical macro prudential policies but it needs be more active and practical now to show the intent and commitments of finance ministry into the action. At this juncture, financial sector reforms needs a speedy push, especially licensing of the new banks in private sector. This report stressed that, the rapid economic growth has reduced the incidence of poverty, it’s to an extant agreeable but not without the serious persisting flaws in growth agenda. As a solution, welfare measures have to be reachable and accessible to the all targeted beneficiaries. Despite citing administrative and other bottlenecks, this part of report suggests that the India is continuing to catch up its goal.
Chapter2/ Fiscal Prospects and Reforms, considers India’s fiscal consolidation programme a partial success, which is true. The period of fiscal restraint lasted in 2008 for domestic compulsions and overwhelming world growth that fuelled up energy and commodity prices, the government raised public expenditure markedly. In the current policy debate, a new framework for fiscal policy is the need of hour. FRBMA has already expired years back. So, the central government’s goal to reduce Gross Fiscal Deficit to 4.1%of GDP by 2012and 3.5% the year after, urgently requires a proper policy maneuvering. In this direction, the Finance Commission {2009} report on fiscal relations between the central and state governments appears rational. It recommended that the Central government should go further and reduce its fiscal deficit to 3%of GDP by 2014. The Commission also recommended 2.4%deficit for the states, bringing a combined deficit at both levels of government to 5.4%.; down from its 2010 level of 7.2%of GDP. On taxation, OECD recommendations are completely stereotypical with having single aim to promote the greed’s of corporate world by ignoring the progressive fundamentals. Here needs a careful approach in pacifying its extreme policy recommendations.
Chapter3/ Phasing out Energy Subsidies, presents contentious and dubious viewpoints on India’s energy management. Report mandates that “India’s petroleum subsidies are economically and environmentally damaging”, which is an overt escaping of realities that is persisting over the world. It’s partially right on Coal market reform but again slips while recognising Public Distribution System {PDS}/Oil subsidies and electricity subsidies as impediments before the development of oil and energy sector. This shows the denial of distinct political characteristics of Indian economy which has its own set of working model and couldn’t solely rely in any cases on the western model of development.
Chapter4/Financial Sector Reform in India: Time for a second Wave? ,it’s intriguing reviewing the last Union Budget and reading this report, it seems that finance ministry is subscribing almost all OECD recommendations on financial reform! Reports suggests the speedy implementations for the institutions like, National Treasury Management Agency {NTMA}, Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority {PFRDA}, Financial Sector and Development Council {FSDC}and Financial Sector Law Reforms Commission {FSLRC}. Surprisingly, in the lieu of giving greater freedom/competency to banking operations, reports suggests some incomprehensible measures, like setting out a plan for ending Priority Sector Lending {PSL}, rapid liberalisation of interest rates on deposits, gradual reduction of the proportion of government bonds to be hold by the banks, widening of the scope of trading through Credit Default Swaps {CDS}, introduction of standard terms for Corporate Bonds, reducing of KYC requirements and transaction taxes etc. OECD should clarify, if do they have only a uniform model of financial reform that has already shattered the world’s most exotic and exciting financial market of US/EU. India either must ignore the stereotypical prophecy or simply turn down any reckless model of financial liberalisation without having touch of the commitments for its policy. Moreover, it shocks to read that the RBI should sell its electronic government bond market and the clearing house to the private sector and NABARD should be sold to the government that means RBI should cease to have its stake in NABARAD…both are unworthy suggestions and points out on the dubious intent of OECD’s reporting on India’s economic growth. Only solace is, report acknowledges well the financial health of India’s banks and found them competent enough for complying with the BASEL-III norms. But even this not without of suspicion and citing privatization in PSBs, instead of showing a different course for private banking and making them core competent with the Public Sector Banks/ Regional Rural Banks/Co-operative Banks.
Chapter5/ Building on Progress in Education, report recommends of maximum withdrawal of regulatory intervention and maximum allowance of private capital in higher education. Besides “Improving incentives for stronger performance by making funding less input based. Tie funding to accreditation and assessment outcomes and increase share of project based funding for research”. In less technical terms, reports enters with its recommendation as it handles a plain capitalist market, and not the world’s most vibrant democracy where policy can’t be altered from the maximum welfare of peoples. This section is even more disappointing as it fails to even canvass, what’s the real hindrances of the education sector that hammering its growth and the potential policy formulations?
There will be no denying the fact that, India’s growth momentum is the outcome of its judicious experiment with the mix of regulation and reform in its economy. Since the1991, India has improved its overall fundamentals in economy, also successfully crossed the very troubling recession. Despite these positive scenarios, India’s growth is less than its potential and needs better governance and regulatory control to end the frills of free and fair businesses. And ofcourse, without making its Public Sector less competent and less happening. OECD reports are reminder of the concern that India must follow its own path, based on intrinsic compulsions and welfare the peoples instead of Corporations. Only then, RBI Governor will be remain smarter and cheerful than the other Central bankers from across the world and even our Mint Street will be less greedy than the re-doubtful Wall Street…alas, where “greed is still good “and its evangelists are incorrigible with Ivy Leagues business degrees!
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 16, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Report on Economic Policy Reforms: Going for Growth, underlines it more resolutely as “India continues to achieve one of the highest rates of GDP per capita growth in the world. Nevertheless, the income gap with OECD countries remains large, primarily reflecting low levels of labour productivity, calling for further reforms to support rapid and inclusive growth". Incremental reforms of administrative regulation introduced by governments at all levels have led to some improvement in the operating environment for business. However, more fundamental reforms are needed in specific sectors. Obviously recommendations have referring for more liberalisation with lesser regulatory intervention. That simply forward a “dichotomous scenario” with the kind of “reforms”, India has been carrying in last two decades. This particular report is unable to broaden the distinct choices of economic reforms, which emerging economies can pursue in the days ahead. So with concentrating on better prospects, India should rely on its own model of reform instead following the bandwagon of saturated economies!
OECD Economic Outlook {No.89, May2011} presents the overall picture of global economy with special coverage of ongoing slowdown. It wrongly articulates that the global recovery is becoming self-sustained and more broad based but then why unemployment remain high across most of the OECD countries? Rather as policy recommendations, stress should have strongly oriented towards structural reforms which could play a key role while taking into account of country-specific needs and institutional features. In emerging economies too, structural reforms could make growth more sustainable and inclusive while contributing to global rebalancing and enhancing long-term capital flows. Ofcourse inflation will be remain a cause of concern in the emerging economies which will be remain a cause of concern in the emerging economies which will need judicious monetary policies for addressal, not for blindly making action on what OECD reports suggests! It will be also wrong to follow that fiscal consolidation and prudence shall be alone confined with the advanced economies; rather it should be equally concern the nations aspiring to be significantly slotted in world trade. Apprehension of this report is now very much in action as downside risks are on the verge of interaction in US/EU, and their cumulative impacts could weaken the recovery substantially, it may also lead to stagflationary developments in some of the advanced economies. Moreover, it will be a blunder to believe that higher inflation could address debt sustainability. Even it could perilously flirt with inflationary expectations, with the outcome that interest rates would soon increase more than inflation. This knowledge paper is somehow closer to the ground realities but not without missing and confusing some of the major challenges of sustainable growth.
OECD Economic Surveys: India {June, 2011}, highlights the risk of inflation and volatile capital flows, which are indeed the most formidable challenges for India’s uninterrupted growth story. Report acknowledges well that fiscal consolidation has resumed and new frameworks may help. It’s true, prior to 2008, nice progress had been made in reducing large fiscal deficits at the central and state levels under targets set out in the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act {FRBMA, 2003}. In the mean years, government finance had sharply down yet few quintessential welfare subsidies on oil, debt writes off, enhanced salaries provisions, tax cuts etc, in the response to slowdown are tolling pressure on fiscal discipline. Here, is a need of new policy measures that can balance the chord of welfare expanses and fiscal discipline.
Chapter-1{Sustaining growth and improving living standards}, emphasizes that expansionary macroeconomic policies cushioned the downturn and domestic demand led the recovery. It’s also true, private investment which benefitted from ongoing liberalisation and high private saving was a vital source of growth. But not to forget also the pre-crisis period was also characterised by a high degree of macroeconomic stability, reflecting benign economic conditions in advanced economies. Comparatively, India weathered the global downturn well like other emerging economies. India also suffered as liquidity constrained firms and banks in advanced economies reduced foreign asset holding to shore up their balance sheets which witnessed sharp capital outflow…that’s still an ongoing concern of international market. On the contra side, another fearsome possibility is that strong capital inflows could put upward pressure on the rupee, raising the prospect of worsening competitiveness and a further widening in the Current Account Deficit {CAD}, which is already high by historical standards. Since mid 2010, the nominal effective exchange rate has gradually depreciated but with relatively high inflation, albeit the real effective exchange rate has been relatively stable. The exchange rate policy has evolved and the capital account has continued to open up gradually, even though progress has been uneven and it remains relatively closed. Post Asian crisis in 1997, the rupee was linked closely to the dollar which influenced the further course. Though RBI has been promoting counter-cyclical macro prudential policies but it needs be more active and practical now to show the intent and commitments of finance ministry into the action. At this juncture, financial sector reforms needs a speedy push, especially licensing of the new banks in private sector. This report stressed that, the rapid economic growth has reduced the incidence of poverty, it’s to an extant agreeable but not without the serious persisting flaws in growth agenda. As a solution, welfare measures have to be reachable and accessible to the all targeted beneficiaries. Despite citing administrative and other bottlenecks, this part of report suggests that the India is continuing to catch up its goal.
Chapter2/ Fiscal Prospects and Reforms, considers India’s fiscal consolidation programme a partial success, which is true. The period of fiscal restraint lasted in 2008 for domestic compulsions and overwhelming world growth that fuelled up energy and commodity prices, the government raised public expenditure markedly. In the current policy debate, a new framework for fiscal policy is the need of hour. FRBMA has already expired years back. So, the central government’s goal to reduce Gross Fiscal Deficit to 4.1%of GDP by 2012and 3.5% the year after, urgently requires a proper policy maneuvering. In this direction, the Finance Commission {2009} report on fiscal relations between the central and state governments appears rational. It recommended that the Central government should go further and reduce its fiscal deficit to 3%of GDP by 2014. The Commission also recommended 2.4%deficit for the states, bringing a combined deficit at both levels of government to 5.4%.; down from its 2010 level of 7.2%of GDP. On taxation, OECD recommendations are completely stereotypical with having single aim to promote the greed’s of corporate world by ignoring the progressive fundamentals. Here needs a careful approach in pacifying its extreme policy recommendations.
Chapter3/ Phasing out Energy Subsidies, presents contentious and dubious viewpoints on India’s energy management. Report mandates that “India’s petroleum subsidies are economically and environmentally damaging”, which is an overt escaping of realities that is persisting over the world. It’s partially right on Coal market reform but again slips while recognising Public Distribution System {PDS}/Oil subsidies and electricity subsidies as impediments before the development of oil and energy sector. This shows the denial of distinct political characteristics of Indian economy which has its own set of working model and couldn’t solely rely in any cases on the western model of development.
Chapter4/Financial Sector Reform in India: Time for a second Wave? ,it’s intriguing reviewing the last Union Budget and reading this report, it seems that finance ministry is subscribing almost all OECD recommendations on financial reform! Reports suggests the speedy implementations for the institutions like, National Treasury Management Agency {NTMA}, Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority {PFRDA}, Financial Sector and Development Council {FSDC}and Financial Sector Law Reforms Commission {FSLRC}. Surprisingly, in the lieu of giving greater freedom/competency to banking operations, reports suggests some incomprehensible measures, like setting out a plan for ending Priority Sector Lending {PSL}, rapid liberalisation of interest rates on deposits, gradual reduction of the proportion of government bonds to be hold by the banks, widening of the scope of trading through Credit Default Swaps {CDS}, introduction of standard terms for Corporate Bonds, reducing of KYC requirements and transaction taxes etc. OECD should clarify, if do they have only a uniform model of financial reform that has already shattered the world’s most exotic and exciting financial market of US/EU. India either must ignore the stereotypical prophecy or simply turn down any reckless model of financial liberalisation without having touch of the commitments for its policy. Moreover, it shocks to read that the RBI should sell its electronic government bond market and the clearing house to the private sector and NABARD should be sold to the government that means RBI should cease to have its stake in NABARAD…both are unworthy suggestions and points out on the dubious intent of OECD’s reporting on India’s economic growth. Only solace is, report acknowledges well the financial health of India’s banks and found them competent enough for complying with the BASEL-III norms. But even this not without of suspicion and citing privatization in PSBs, instead of showing a different course for private banking and making them core competent with the Public Sector Banks/ Regional Rural Banks/Co-operative Banks.
Chapter5/ Building on Progress in Education, report recommends of maximum withdrawal of regulatory intervention and maximum allowance of private capital in higher education. Besides “Improving incentives for stronger performance by making funding less input based. Tie funding to accreditation and assessment outcomes and increase share of project based funding for research”. In less technical terms, reports enters with its recommendation as it handles a plain capitalist market, and not the world’s most vibrant democracy where policy can’t be altered from the maximum welfare of peoples. This section is even more disappointing as it fails to even canvass, what’s the real hindrances of the education sector that hammering its growth and the potential policy formulations?
There will be no denying the fact that, India’s growth momentum is the outcome of its judicious experiment with the mix of regulation and reform in its economy. Since the1991, India has improved its overall fundamentals in economy, also successfully crossed the very troubling recession. Despite these positive scenarios, India’s growth is less than its potential and needs better governance and regulatory control to end the frills of free and fair businesses. And ofcourse, without making its Public Sector less competent and less happening. OECD reports are reminder of the concern that India must follow its own path, based on intrinsic compulsions and welfare the peoples instead of Corporations. Only then, RBI Governor will be remain smarter and cheerful than the other Central bankers from across the world and even our Mint Street will be less greedy than the re-doubtful Wall Street…alas, where “greed is still good “and its evangelists are incorrigible with Ivy Leagues business degrees!
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 16, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Saturday, October 8, 2011
The Punjab Story!
Book Review: Non-fiction/The Punjab by Ishtiaq Ahmed, Rupa Publication/2011, 754 pp; Rs995 {Hardback}
Now another work on the partition history tries to unravel multiple narratives of partition survivors and refugees on both sides of Punjab. So far, plights of Punjab has been confined in the textual debates as seeing the contentiousness and intra feuds, India remained a conscious yet timid player on the whole issue. Other foremost thing, that cornered any potential wayout of better cultural/civil exchange between the both side of Punjab was the Kashmir issue, its substantially backyarded the Punjab from the bilateral strategic concern of Indian and Pakistan. Rest the formation of Bangladesh in 1971 and India’s pertinent role in it opened the second most vital strategic point, now the issue of Punjab was slipped notch below.
Remarkably, British succeeded with their strategic plan to handover two strife ridden countries…that happened. Unfortunately this part remained missing in most of the work on partition…at some point, Ishtiaq refers for real origination of violence but finally he let down those observation for community led violence as the major destroyer of peaceful socio-religious fabric. On judging the end, he is absolutely right; with putting details of newspapers, journals, government reports and personal accounts of different set of peoples gives extra edge to his stand. Although his own concern on forced migration, ethnic cleansing/genocide needs to reckoned with the wider possibilities that were given passage by the immoral political planks of British. A dangerous by-product of colonialism-partition, requires more meticulous handling of what colonizers wants? And how they moved up with their nasty strategic planks?
The best thing that comes out of this book is details of real sufferers on both the side of Punjab. Founding place for Malerkobla state in east Punjab where unlike Patiala, Muslims escaped annihilation could be regarded a good put although stereotypical account “The Rape of Rawalpindi” could have mentioned less overtly. Notes on The Sikh Plan {pages xxxviii-xxxix, A Sikh plan to eradicate all Muslims from east Punjab} seems a reprising exercise as instead foretelling, what happened exactly, it’s better to admit that violence needs no logic or even worst, can thrive bad logic. The March Riots: Rawalpindi and adjoining rural areas (pages 226-230} reminds the worst of sectarian violence, Ranjit Singh Bhashin’s account of Thamali village is one among countless cases where centuries old co-existential bond of neighbourhood suddenly turned into the nightmarish ground of butchering. Unfortunately hatred routed in most of cases through the complex handling of political scenario and enforcing its failures to the religious life of desperate communities. Further on pages 380-381 {The Punjab disintegrates} presents the liveliest narration of tragedies in west Punjab {Pakistan}, Giani Mahinder Singh and Sardar Baldev Singh’s dialogue with Patel and his insensitive remarks to retaliate the Muslims shows the mishandling of entire issue by the political class. The crux of this book gives ample insights, how Muslim League ceased to handle the violence impartially and how weak was the demographic/social understanding of the leaders of Congress and Muslim League.
Focus on Lahore Division {pages 416-418} is very vital; Dr. Prem Sobti’s {personal physician to the President of India} recalling of turning Lahore from a paragon of communal peace and harmony to open battleground strengthen the positive motives of this work. And finally mentionable details on pages 519-20 {Amritsar and three Tehsils of Gurudaspur} with the account of Lahore based writer, A.Hameed adds to the realistic horror stories that unfortunately was the case during partition in 1947.
Ishtiaq Ahmed’s The Punjab is a well intentioned and richly detailed work on the partition…overall, it provides the sublime gesture of people’s history. Relying more on the victims instead on the ruling elite’s game plan is both the strength and weakness of this book. However, there will be no denying that whenever the tells of partition will be grounded; mention of this book will become essential. Ishtiaq has spent years working on this project and that becomes quite evident through progressing on the pages of The Punjab. Readers will be enlighted after reading this book. Only reading has to be careful enough!
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 8, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Now another work on the partition history tries to unravel multiple narratives of partition survivors and refugees on both sides of Punjab. So far, plights of Punjab has been confined in the textual debates as seeing the contentiousness and intra feuds, India remained a conscious yet timid player on the whole issue. Other foremost thing, that cornered any potential wayout of better cultural/civil exchange between the both side of Punjab was the Kashmir issue, its substantially backyarded the Punjab from the bilateral strategic concern of Indian and Pakistan. Rest the formation of Bangladesh in 1971 and India’s pertinent role in it opened the second most vital strategic point, now the issue of Punjab was slipped notch below.
Remarkably, British succeeded with their strategic plan to handover two strife ridden countries…that happened. Unfortunately this part remained missing in most of the work on partition…at some point, Ishtiaq refers for real origination of violence but finally he let down those observation for community led violence as the major destroyer of peaceful socio-religious fabric. On judging the end, he is absolutely right; with putting details of newspapers, journals, government reports and personal accounts of different set of peoples gives extra edge to his stand. Although his own concern on forced migration, ethnic cleansing/genocide needs to reckoned with the wider possibilities that were given passage by the immoral political planks of British. A dangerous by-product of colonialism-partition, requires more meticulous handling of what colonizers wants? And how they moved up with their nasty strategic planks?
The best thing that comes out of this book is details of real sufferers on both the side of Punjab. Founding place for Malerkobla state in east Punjab where unlike Patiala, Muslims escaped annihilation could be regarded a good put although stereotypical account “The Rape of Rawalpindi” could have mentioned less overtly. Notes on The Sikh Plan {pages xxxviii-xxxix, A Sikh plan to eradicate all Muslims from east Punjab} seems a reprising exercise as instead foretelling, what happened exactly, it’s better to admit that violence needs no logic or even worst, can thrive bad logic. The March Riots: Rawalpindi and adjoining rural areas (pages 226-230} reminds the worst of sectarian violence, Ranjit Singh Bhashin’s account of Thamali village is one among countless cases where centuries old co-existential bond of neighbourhood suddenly turned into the nightmarish ground of butchering. Unfortunately hatred routed in most of cases through the complex handling of political scenario and enforcing its failures to the religious life of desperate communities. Further on pages 380-381 {The Punjab disintegrates} presents the liveliest narration of tragedies in west Punjab {Pakistan}, Giani Mahinder Singh and Sardar Baldev Singh’s dialogue with Patel and his insensitive remarks to retaliate the Muslims shows the mishandling of entire issue by the political class. The crux of this book gives ample insights, how Muslim League ceased to handle the violence impartially and how weak was the demographic/social understanding of the leaders of Congress and Muslim League.
Focus on Lahore Division {pages 416-418} is very vital; Dr. Prem Sobti’s {personal physician to the President of India} recalling of turning Lahore from a paragon of communal peace and harmony to open battleground strengthen the positive motives of this work. And finally mentionable details on pages 519-20 {Amritsar and three Tehsils of Gurudaspur} with the account of Lahore based writer, A.Hameed adds to the realistic horror stories that unfortunately was the case during partition in 1947.
Ishtiaq Ahmed’s The Punjab is a well intentioned and richly detailed work on the partition…overall, it provides the sublime gesture of people’s history. Relying more on the victims instead on the ruling elite’s game plan is both the strength and weakness of this book. However, there will be no denying that whenever the tells of partition will be grounded; mention of this book will become essential. Ishtiaq has spent years working on this project and that becomes quite evident through progressing on the pages of The Punjab. Readers will be enlighted after reading this book. Only reading has to be careful enough!
Atul Kumar Thakur
October 8, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Friday, September 30, 2011
Comrade's Introspection!
After the fall of left in West Bengal and Kerala, no man is as worried as A.B.Bardhan, the General Secretary of CPI. Today he is restless at the age of 88, despite the fact, that his party did well comparing other left parties. But this legendary Comrade needs no excuse…he is man at work now with new framework to retrieve the CPI as well as left parties much essential ground touch, also eyeing to enter in the crucial psyche of great Indian middle class and youth. Recently we had two hour straight long conversation at historic Ajay Bhavan in Delhi…sitting in at his office {probably his last year as top rank of CPI}, he shared future roadmap of left politics in India and also spoke on many new issues …excerpts…
Q: - How CPI is reconciling with the situation emerged out of the recent poll debacles in West Bengal and Kerala?
A: - Election results in West Bengal and Kerala was very disappointing but for different reasons. In Kerala, power has been almost alternatively won either by the LDF or UDF. This time, it was the turn of UDF, but as you know, the LDF felt short by only three seats. Those three seats, we lost by the very narrow margins. In West Bengal, it was truly a debacle, later we have analyzed the scenario and told openly, why the left front lost so badly after being in power for thirty four years. In a way, the voters in the State have mandated the left front to seat in the opposition for this term. I think, we should work like a true constructive opposition allows the new people learn from their experience about this new coalition government and retrace our links with the masses. The sense of alienation must be allowed to change.
Q: - Which factors are blocking the potential integration of Communist parties?
A: - The last four-five decades have seen the growth of many divisive factors, such as communalism, casteism, regionalism and so others. Parties have up exploit these factors and divert the attention of peoples. We have not been able to overcome these divisive factors and rallying the working peoples behind us. This is especially true in the vast Hindi belt. In particular, I am refereeing to our weakness among the rural masses, which are decisive in elections. We are working to overcome these hindrances by decisively turning our faces to the rural India. Cast vs. cast requires a sensitive approach to the problem of castes, particularly with the oppressed castes and the marginalized sections. As I think, there has been erosion in many of our old existing rural bases, therefore expanding and consolidating such rural bases is our priority task. Taking up these issues like land, water, employment and a stand against the price rise will be start of our fresh struggle, which have badly affected the already miserable access to food, health and education. The CPI is in the process, now of holding conferences at branch, Anchal, District, and State levels culminating in the All India Party Congress by March/April 2012. In all these conferences, the issues mentioned will be top in agenda. We are also working toward joint work and action between the two major Communist parties rallying along them all other left oriented parties and movements for strengthening left unity. Communist unity will be the core of left unity; only then, we can advance towards setting of left and democratic unity which can be the framework of a real alternative to both the major bourgeoisie parties, namely Congress and BJP. Such a combination will be the true secular and democratic front. Any other adhock combination, solely based on electoral arithmetic will not inspire confidence among peoples. In my view, the time is right because, the credibility of the Congress and BJP are at low level; people are looking forward to an alternative to replace them. Mobilisation of all these forces requires also the development of unity and united action among the mass organisations. The overarching coming together of all Central Trade Unions, whatever will be the political colour of leadership, is a case in point. They have taken up the issues confronting for the common peoples all over the country. Kisan organisations are also moving in that direction.
Q: - On many occasions, CPI has made intuitive in this regard, but those didn’t worked out by the denial of CPI {M}, why such inhibitions are growing among the fellow Comrades? In the past, CPI leaders, including Chaturanan Mishra tried to unify the progressive Trade Union Movement but that couldn’t be substantially materialised. In this direction, do you see any constructive development in the days ahead?
A: - The CPI is committed to the goal of Communist unity but this cannot be done in hurry. It’s true, the reaction to our moves have not been very positive but issues like, the programme, the organisational principles and the tactical line requires to be discussed and agreed upon. Afterall we have to fight back the legacy of a split that kept us apart for more than four decades. However, it’s a welcome sign that the perceptions of the two Communist parties are almost the same on national and international affairs, also on economic and political issues. This, I think created a good atmosphere though a sense of rivalry still persists. As far as the ideology is concerned, both the parties are committed to Marxism/Leninism and to the goal of socialism. The point is to apply the scientific theory in the complex and changing Indian and world conditions. As far as Trade Union Movement is concerned, we are working together now and very closely…it’s making good impacts. Things will be more visible very soon…
Q: - Why CPI’s stronghold in Bihar and Jharkhand is receding consistently? Once way of life in north Bihar, now Communism is becoming an alien ideology, don’t you think, CPI failed to forward the next generation leadership after Comrade Bhogendra Jha and Chaturanan Misha?
Q: - Bihar has been a relatively strong support base of CPI, this base was built through tremendous struggle and sacrifices led by Comrade Chandrashekhar Singh, Indradeep Sinha, Suryanarayan Singh, Bhogendra Jha, Chaturanan Mishra and many others. Have already said,; that erosion took place when this base was subjected to the caste politics, in Bihar ugliest caste politics was led by Lalu Prasad Yadav and others. The communal politics of the BJP and so not to be mention our own failures and shortcomings equally accounted in this fall. Bihar is a State, where huge mess of agricultural and marginal workers is on the one hand and land lords on the other. There is still huge scope and need for a class struggle between the two and to implement the land reforms. The so called Land Reform Commission has already detailed the issue of this struggle for land redistribution, land for house sites etc. The government and also some of the opposition parties have to do nothing on this core issue, it’s for the Communist’s to lead the battle of class vs. class and take the focus away from caste vs. caste.
Q: - Why Communism is still being determined by the texts rather contemporary contexts? Why not, CPI should follow more the Marx’ progressive line rather of Lenin’s technical programme?
A: - The world has changed but imperialism and capitalism continues exists; what we see today is a big crisis that has overtaken capitalism. It can’t solve the problem of unemployment, poverty and even illiteracy and disease. India is also changed in the course of last six and half decades since the independence but facts reveals that the capitalist path of the government, that’s being pursued and the so called new liberal policies of privatization, liberlisation and globalization have only aggravated all our problems. Disparities between the super rich and affluent section, which is only 10%of our population, and the overwhelming mass of poor and vulnerable sections has deepened and widened as never before. They talk of growth but if development means that, all sections are benefitted, we find that there is actually no development for the majority, particularly SCs, STs, minorities and the most backward sections are excluded from all this talk of growth. That’s why, we find outburst of discontent, indignation and so forth. This is the socio-economic basis of many of ours that afflicts us today. The free market, the so called trickledown theories have all proved to be for the benefit of the top layer, while mass remains excluded. No wonder, we have price rise, high level corruption and so called left wing terrorism which the government describes as the biggest security threat. Today, mass of the peoples have alienated from the present system and its governance. The more of the talk of law&order, the more alienation takes place, the more the indulging repression and denial of democratic rights, the more is the mass outburst. In this scenario, text and contexts, both are equally imperative for us.
Q: - AITUC has introduced labour class movement in India; it has been doing remarkable work over the years albeit new conditions after the market reform now necessitate policy changes. What framework CPI has to go deep to both the conventional and neo workers?
A: - I am happy to say that AITUC has taken the initiative in forging all in unity of Central Trade Union organisation and I am glad that the objective situation has forged all of them towards united action. We should first know that government has virtually banned any Trade Union or association among IT/ITES and many other sectors, their workers are being kept isolated. But I am confident, this moves by the government and corporate houses will be defeated soon rather than later.
Q: - What’s the CPI’s official position on market reform? Is there any possibility that CPI will support the reform with progressive clauses?
A: - There is confusion about markets. Markets existed even before capitalism and there will be markets even under the socialism. The point is under which system that markets operates? The so called market economy that’s functional today is a naked devise to extract and maximize profits; profits without limit by foreign and indigenous corporate houses and big businesses. It’s an instrument of imperialism for exploitation of the developing countries and of capitalist exploitation of the poors within each country. To call this reform, is not only misnomer, it’s a cruel joke.
Q: - Didn’t allowing Jyoti Basu for Prime Ministership in 1996 wasn’t a “historic blunder” for Communist parties as well as for the Indian democracy?
A: - As you know, he has himself called it a “historical blunder”, I agree with him.
Q: - With left parties, UPA-I was a different political coalition, after yours departure, series of scams became incessant-why not left parties should fight all the Loksabha seats and move forward for a strong alternative coalition at Centre?
A: - I think, left parties by themselves are not in a position to contest all the Loksbha seats, that’s why we want left and democratic unity, which will take along with the left and all other secular democratic parties, forces and individuals. Moreover, what we needed is electoral reforms, which will save the electoral process from the grip of money/muscle power. As you know, the left parties have been talking of the Proportional Representation system , which will do away with the First Past the Post System prevailing presently in which moneyed individuals uses all tricks to get elected, even with minority votes.
Q: - In the coming days, will CPI accommodate many sidelined issues in its agenda? How CPI will draw the attention of middle class and youth, whose roles have become substantially vital in all sphere?
A: - The middle class has proliferated considerably. But it’s not homogenous. While the upper layers hope to reach out to the top, the lower sections are subjected to corruption, price rise and are the victims of exploitation. However, on the whole, it’s a great opinion builder and therefore Communist and the left have to re-orient them to work among the large sections of the middle class and make substantial inspiration to draw the middle class towards progressive and democratic causes.
Q: - How you are viewing the current stand of Indian foreign policy? Have our stature strengthened in the world after twenty years of liberalisation programme?
A: - India’s foreign policy, unfortunately moved away from its anti-imperialist and the solidarity with countries fighting for democratic advancement to a policy of increasing strategic partnership with the U.S and developed west. But India is a big and assertive country, today there are no issues in international relations which can be solved without the participation of India and China. The combination of BRIC, BASIC and SCO, which have brought together India and China, Russia, Brazil and the South Africa, is a very important development. India can secure a stable strategic place in world affairs with being part of these alternative international formations instead of getting its position fixed as piggyback of international forces.
Atul Kumar Thakur
September 30, 2011, Wednesday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Q: - How CPI is reconciling with the situation emerged out of the recent poll debacles in West Bengal and Kerala?
A: - Election results in West Bengal and Kerala was very disappointing but for different reasons. In Kerala, power has been almost alternatively won either by the LDF or UDF. This time, it was the turn of UDF, but as you know, the LDF felt short by only three seats. Those three seats, we lost by the very narrow margins. In West Bengal, it was truly a debacle, later we have analyzed the scenario and told openly, why the left front lost so badly after being in power for thirty four years. In a way, the voters in the State have mandated the left front to seat in the opposition for this term. I think, we should work like a true constructive opposition allows the new people learn from their experience about this new coalition government and retrace our links with the masses. The sense of alienation must be allowed to change.
Q: - Which factors are blocking the potential integration of Communist parties?
A: - The last four-five decades have seen the growth of many divisive factors, such as communalism, casteism, regionalism and so others. Parties have up exploit these factors and divert the attention of peoples. We have not been able to overcome these divisive factors and rallying the working peoples behind us. This is especially true in the vast Hindi belt. In particular, I am refereeing to our weakness among the rural masses, which are decisive in elections. We are working to overcome these hindrances by decisively turning our faces to the rural India. Cast vs. cast requires a sensitive approach to the problem of castes, particularly with the oppressed castes and the marginalized sections. As I think, there has been erosion in many of our old existing rural bases, therefore expanding and consolidating such rural bases is our priority task. Taking up these issues like land, water, employment and a stand against the price rise will be start of our fresh struggle, which have badly affected the already miserable access to food, health and education. The CPI is in the process, now of holding conferences at branch, Anchal, District, and State levels culminating in the All India Party Congress by March/April 2012. In all these conferences, the issues mentioned will be top in agenda. We are also working toward joint work and action between the two major Communist parties rallying along them all other left oriented parties and movements for strengthening left unity. Communist unity will be the core of left unity; only then, we can advance towards setting of left and democratic unity which can be the framework of a real alternative to both the major bourgeoisie parties, namely Congress and BJP. Such a combination will be the true secular and democratic front. Any other adhock combination, solely based on electoral arithmetic will not inspire confidence among peoples. In my view, the time is right because, the credibility of the Congress and BJP are at low level; people are looking forward to an alternative to replace them. Mobilisation of all these forces requires also the development of unity and united action among the mass organisations. The overarching coming together of all Central Trade Unions, whatever will be the political colour of leadership, is a case in point. They have taken up the issues confronting for the common peoples all over the country. Kisan organisations are also moving in that direction.
Q: - On many occasions, CPI has made intuitive in this regard, but those didn’t worked out by the denial of CPI {M}, why such inhibitions are growing among the fellow Comrades? In the past, CPI leaders, including Chaturanan Mishra tried to unify the progressive Trade Union Movement but that couldn’t be substantially materialised. In this direction, do you see any constructive development in the days ahead?
A: - The CPI is committed to the goal of Communist unity but this cannot be done in hurry. It’s true, the reaction to our moves have not been very positive but issues like, the programme, the organisational principles and the tactical line requires to be discussed and agreed upon. Afterall we have to fight back the legacy of a split that kept us apart for more than four decades. However, it’s a welcome sign that the perceptions of the two Communist parties are almost the same on national and international affairs, also on economic and political issues. This, I think created a good atmosphere though a sense of rivalry still persists. As far as the ideology is concerned, both the parties are committed to Marxism/Leninism and to the goal of socialism. The point is to apply the scientific theory in the complex and changing Indian and world conditions. As far as Trade Union Movement is concerned, we are working together now and very closely…it’s making good impacts. Things will be more visible very soon…
Q: - Why CPI’s stronghold in Bihar and Jharkhand is receding consistently? Once way of life in north Bihar, now Communism is becoming an alien ideology, don’t you think, CPI failed to forward the next generation leadership after Comrade Bhogendra Jha and Chaturanan Misha?
Q: - Bihar has been a relatively strong support base of CPI, this base was built through tremendous struggle and sacrifices led by Comrade Chandrashekhar Singh, Indradeep Sinha, Suryanarayan Singh, Bhogendra Jha, Chaturanan Mishra and many others. Have already said,; that erosion took place when this base was subjected to the caste politics, in Bihar ugliest caste politics was led by Lalu Prasad Yadav and others. The communal politics of the BJP and so not to be mention our own failures and shortcomings equally accounted in this fall. Bihar is a State, where huge mess of agricultural and marginal workers is on the one hand and land lords on the other. There is still huge scope and need for a class struggle between the two and to implement the land reforms. The so called Land Reform Commission has already detailed the issue of this struggle for land redistribution, land for house sites etc. The government and also some of the opposition parties have to do nothing on this core issue, it’s for the Communist’s to lead the battle of class vs. class and take the focus away from caste vs. caste.
Q: - Why Communism is still being determined by the texts rather contemporary contexts? Why not, CPI should follow more the Marx’ progressive line rather of Lenin’s technical programme?
A: - The world has changed but imperialism and capitalism continues exists; what we see today is a big crisis that has overtaken capitalism. It can’t solve the problem of unemployment, poverty and even illiteracy and disease. India is also changed in the course of last six and half decades since the independence but facts reveals that the capitalist path of the government, that’s being pursued and the so called new liberal policies of privatization, liberlisation and globalization have only aggravated all our problems. Disparities between the super rich and affluent section, which is only 10%of our population, and the overwhelming mass of poor and vulnerable sections has deepened and widened as never before. They talk of growth but if development means that, all sections are benefitted, we find that there is actually no development for the majority, particularly SCs, STs, minorities and the most backward sections are excluded from all this talk of growth. That’s why, we find outburst of discontent, indignation and so forth. This is the socio-economic basis of many of ours that afflicts us today. The free market, the so called trickledown theories have all proved to be for the benefit of the top layer, while mass remains excluded. No wonder, we have price rise, high level corruption and so called left wing terrorism which the government describes as the biggest security threat. Today, mass of the peoples have alienated from the present system and its governance. The more of the talk of law&order, the more alienation takes place, the more the indulging repression and denial of democratic rights, the more is the mass outburst. In this scenario, text and contexts, both are equally imperative for us.
Q: - AITUC has introduced labour class movement in India; it has been doing remarkable work over the years albeit new conditions after the market reform now necessitate policy changes. What framework CPI has to go deep to both the conventional and neo workers?
A: - I am happy to say that AITUC has taken the initiative in forging all in unity of Central Trade Union organisation and I am glad that the objective situation has forged all of them towards united action. We should first know that government has virtually banned any Trade Union or association among IT/ITES and many other sectors, their workers are being kept isolated. But I am confident, this moves by the government and corporate houses will be defeated soon rather than later.
Q: - What’s the CPI’s official position on market reform? Is there any possibility that CPI will support the reform with progressive clauses?
A: - There is confusion about markets. Markets existed even before capitalism and there will be markets even under the socialism. The point is under which system that markets operates? The so called market economy that’s functional today is a naked devise to extract and maximize profits; profits without limit by foreign and indigenous corporate houses and big businesses. It’s an instrument of imperialism for exploitation of the developing countries and of capitalist exploitation of the poors within each country. To call this reform, is not only misnomer, it’s a cruel joke.
Q: - Didn’t allowing Jyoti Basu for Prime Ministership in 1996 wasn’t a “historic blunder” for Communist parties as well as for the Indian democracy?
A: - As you know, he has himself called it a “historical blunder”, I agree with him.
Q: - With left parties, UPA-I was a different political coalition, after yours departure, series of scams became incessant-why not left parties should fight all the Loksabha seats and move forward for a strong alternative coalition at Centre?
A: - I think, left parties by themselves are not in a position to contest all the Loksbha seats, that’s why we want left and democratic unity, which will take along with the left and all other secular democratic parties, forces and individuals. Moreover, what we needed is electoral reforms, which will save the electoral process from the grip of money/muscle power. As you know, the left parties have been talking of the Proportional Representation system , which will do away with the First Past the Post System prevailing presently in which moneyed individuals uses all tricks to get elected, even with minority votes.
Q: - In the coming days, will CPI accommodate many sidelined issues in its agenda? How CPI will draw the attention of middle class and youth, whose roles have become substantially vital in all sphere?
A: - The middle class has proliferated considerably. But it’s not homogenous. While the upper layers hope to reach out to the top, the lower sections are subjected to corruption, price rise and are the victims of exploitation. However, on the whole, it’s a great opinion builder and therefore Communist and the left have to re-orient them to work among the large sections of the middle class and make substantial inspiration to draw the middle class towards progressive and democratic causes.
Q: - How you are viewing the current stand of Indian foreign policy? Have our stature strengthened in the world after twenty years of liberalisation programme?
A: - India’s foreign policy, unfortunately moved away from its anti-imperialist and the solidarity with countries fighting for democratic advancement to a policy of increasing strategic partnership with the U.S and developed west. But India is a big and assertive country, today there are no issues in international relations which can be solved without the participation of India and China. The combination of BRIC, BASIC and SCO, which have brought together India and China, Russia, Brazil and the South Africa, is a very important development. India can secure a stable strategic place in world affairs with being part of these alternative international formations instead of getting its position fixed as piggyback of international forces.
Atul Kumar Thakur
September 30, 2011, Wednesday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
A better half truth
Book Review/Fiction: The Good Muslim by Tehmima Anam, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2011
297pp; Rs499 {HB}, ISBN 978-0-670-08289-6
Year 1971, was proved epoch-making for East Bengal…this year, culturally aggrieved peoples natural boisterousness against the despotic and alien rulers of Pakistan found shape. Bangladesh, a nation was born, primarily on the basis of cultural distinctness…but is it remained same in the course of time? Which factors led to radicalization and changing of lives away from liberal socio-religious principles? Tehmima Anam, an author of repute with her debut novel, A Golden Age has closely searched the uncomfortable changes in Bangladesh in her second work, The Good Muslim. Forty years on, this discourse of being good or bad with ones Muslim self has its significance intact as unfortunately more than anything else, today faith is being maligned by the nasty elements and alarmingly they have led over the ethical minds!
Tehmima deserves the universal attention for leading a broadly conceptualized literary writing in Bangladesh; remarkable is the fact, she has spent a significant time outside of country. That’s only being evident with her superb narratives in English…the best thing is, in this regard, she never lost her insiders views on the issues that haunting her and her fellow countrymen, who prefers to be good human and Muslim than getting submerged in the narrow wave of radicalism. Set in the streets of Dhaka and rural Bangladesh, The Good Muslim is an epic story of Bangladeshi family, that met to radical transformation and causing uncomfort to the protagonist Maya Haque and entire liberal social structure. Maya, who justifies through act the title of book, The Good Muslim is in utter shock after remaining away for eight years. On her reinstation of social/familiar interaction, she realizes her surroundings have changed awkwardly and nation’s promises have altered blindly. Maya, still to the core is in struggle to be good with her family, social role, nation and also with her religious identity but hardship which she faces vehementally reminds the plight of liberal voices and dualism of State as most powerful entity.
This book is grounded and imagined on the Bangladeshi soil, so overtly resembles the maximum reality from that side. Albeit the crux of plot has universal meaning and I hardly think anyone can doubt over the fact that the biggest challenges that humanity encountering today is coming from the misinterpretation of religions. There lie the wide strategic interests of nations and essentially of radical traders. Tehmima with her protagonist, has cited towards a mean path, where world is out of extremes but in great strain. There is suffering and no bailing out from collective order…may be, this real scene will have overarching effects, suitably with rational religious practices or simply keeping religion out from the collective order.
On the literary forefront, if the grave issues could be debated without nurturing the frills of controversy, its sure must be ranked as an accomplishment par excellence. What Tehmima has done with her work is a formidable case of similar choices. Through literature, my understanding has grown up over Bangladesh, especially with reading both of her works. Similarly, the readers from South Asia will be found her take closer to their own imagination. From another angle, English literary writing has reached to the complete maturity in Indian subcontinent; Tehmima’s consistent endeavour along with many other remarkable writers from the region showing the desired integration of South Asia in literary arena.
What is best with the contemporary writing is, it’s walking with the time and is in distance from the typicalities of any bandwagon. That’s indeed giving the real stories a complete space of expression and putting aside the potential prominence of trivia which was once a trend and now only an abandoned choice. This book should go well with the targeted readers of Bangladesh; afterall they are the victims of choices, even after living in a sort of democracy. Words with better meanings must be acknowledges well, as action can be resolute from these ideas and there lies the chances of a better world…out of despair and angst!
Atul Kumar Thakur
September 30, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
297pp; Rs499 {HB}, ISBN 978-0-670-08289-6
Year 1971, was proved epoch-making for East Bengal…this year, culturally aggrieved peoples natural boisterousness against the despotic and alien rulers of Pakistan found shape. Bangladesh, a nation was born, primarily on the basis of cultural distinctness…but is it remained same in the course of time? Which factors led to radicalization and changing of lives away from liberal socio-religious principles? Tehmima Anam, an author of repute with her debut novel, A Golden Age has closely searched the uncomfortable changes in Bangladesh in her second work, The Good Muslim. Forty years on, this discourse of being good or bad with ones Muslim self has its significance intact as unfortunately more than anything else, today faith is being maligned by the nasty elements and alarmingly they have led over the ethical minds!
Tehmima deserves the universal attention for leading a broadly conceptualized literary writing in Bangladesh; remarkable is the fact, she has spent a significant time outside of country. That’s only being evident with her superb narratives in English…the best thing is, in this regard, she never lost her insiders views on the issues that haunting her and her fellow countrymen, who prefers to be good human and Muslim than getting submerged in the narrow wave of radicalism. Set in the streets of Dhaka and rural Bangladesh, The Good Muslim is an epic story of Bangladeshi family, that met to radical transformation and causing uncomfort to the protagonist Maya Haque and entire liberal social structure. Maya, who justifies through act the title of book, The Good Muslim is in utter shock after remaining away for eight years. On her reinstation of social/familiar interaction, she realizes her surroundings have changed awkwardly and nation’s promises have altered blindly. Maya, still to the core is in struggle to be good with her family, social role, nation and also with her religious identity but hardship which she faces vehementally reminds the plight of liberal voices and dualism of State as most powerful entity.
This book is grounded and imagined on the Bangladeshi soil, so overtly resembles the maximum reality from that side. Albeit the crux of plot has universal meaning and I hardly think anyone can doubt over the fact that the biggest challenges that humanity encountering today is coming from the misinterpretation of religions. There lie the wide strategic interests of nations and essentially of radical traders. Tehmima with her protagonist, has cited towards a mean path, where world is out of extremes but in great strain. There is suffering and no bailing out from collective order…may be, this real scene will have overarching effects, suitably with rational religious practices or simply keeping religion out from the collective order.
On the literary forefront, if the grave issues could be debated without nurturing the frills of controversy, its sure must be ranked as an accomplishment par excellence. What Tehmima has done with her work is a formidable case of similar choices. Through literature, my understanding has grown up over Bangladesh, especially with reading both of her works. Similarly, the readers from South Asia will be found her take closer to their own imagination. From another angle, English literary writing has reached to the complete maturity in Indian subcontinent; Tehmima’s consistent endeavour along with many other remarkable writers from the region showing the desired integration of South Asia in literary arena.
What is best with the contemporary writing is, it’s walking with the time and is in distance from the typicalities of any bandwagon. That’s indeed giving the real stories a complete space of expression and putting aside the potential prominence of trivia which was once a trend and now only an abandoned choice. This book should go well with the targeted readers of Bangladesh; afterall they are the victims of choices, even after living in a sort of democracy. Words with better meanings must be acknowledges well, as action can be resolute from these ideas and there lies the chances of a better world…out of despair and angst!
Atul Kumar Thakur
September 30, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
The Slices of Past
Book Review: Fiction/ Miss Timmins’ School of Girls by Nayana Currimbhoy, Harper Collins/2011, 496 pp; Rs399 {Paperback}, ISBN 978-93-5029-073-6
Nayana’s literary debut is promising, her book easily reveals it. She went to all girls Convent school in India and in over the years, she kept her memories vivid and scrimped those intense personal treasure for her literary foray with Miss Timmins’s School for Girls. As normally happens with expats, their belongingness grow for the place of origin though such feelings rarely routes into serious literary fiction. But with Nayana, such myths have backyarded with profound narration and very intense intertwining with the series of events and scenes of life.
Miss Timmins’s School of Girls narrates the story of young Charu with strong individual characteristics, remarkably amidst the eventful collective surroundings. She hails from a traditional family background; usually it refers to the reality of India’s non-metropolis urban spaces. She moves to an Anglo Missionaries school with upward aspirations, that’s also a commonly prevailing in modern India. Here, in the course of adaptation with British colonial tantrums of public school, such as rock “n” roll {not awkward here}, drugs {not obscene here}, free love philosophy {way of life here}, Charu overtures with an absurd nostalgia of Britain’s crumbling signs of colonialism. Alas, in 1970s, novel depicts such scene albeit still many public schools in India nurtures similar complex among its students which we often see in roaring at public spaces when someone from Doon or Stephens announces, the word “dichotomous” is strictly patented for them and their elite tribes! Will they ever heed to the truths?
Until Charu started moving with normalcy, thrills suddenly reaches to the crest and at dangerous level…in a dark havocking monsoon night, a teacher is murdered and her world changes forever. She finds herself falsely implicated; rest is her struggle to prove herself out of offence. She finally succeeds but not without meeting the worst of suffering that world offers to a person in deep trouble. The best this is, this novel hardly has any popular tone, so there is not even a distant chance to be get it called a thriller. Interpretations of every covert component of events have given proper space within the framework of story. Nayana must be a happy author, as after writing such a detailed fiction can be remain carefree from the critics who will be never afford to ignore the intrinsic literary puts on the pages.
Where originality of work is the major strength, it becomes hard to see it in comparison with the other contemporary works. In recent times, many books have been written in popular literature with centralizing the elite professional institutions but barely could we see an entire novel centered on a Missionaries school. May be, this trend is co-related to India’s own resilience as a stable democracy and vibrant economy that outgrowing the imposed eliticism of erstwhile universally accepted schools. World is open now, so obviously the realm of ideas; nevertheless, distinct and offbeat experiences still have many takers. Sometime in the utter fantasies but mostly in nostalgic possession. Nayana has woven the plot for her novel with a rare mix of insider’s lucid accounts {life inside the walls of closely monitored old type Public schools} and the natural sarcasm that refers for a free life out of false and sinful cosmopolitanism!
Reckoning history, personal or collective, timid or buoyant always gives an edge over the state of not knowing the past. Sixty four years on of India’s independence, still our “tryst with destiny” is in progress but unfortunately level of struggle is perilously unequal and divided in hierarchies now. Every day passes, meaning of this nation differentiated for the different segments …either in soft tone or in candid expression, if literary writings are touching those issues that means sentiments are not completely dried out. Like this novel, looking on lives of schools or any other collective conditions profusely allow an author to delve with the broader realities of time besides searching personal world. Up to the end, this book is pleasantly readable…among the best entries in fiction this year, Miss Timmins’ School of Girls should be considered for the top slot. Indian literary writing in English has grown richer with this debut novel of Nayana…!
Atul Kumar Thakur
September 30, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
Nayana’s literary debut is promising, her book easily reveals it. She went to all girls Convent school in India and in over the years, she kept her memories vivid and scrimped those intense personal treasure for her literary foray with Miss Timmins’s School for Girls. As normally happens with expats, their belongingness grow for the place of origin though such feelings rarely routes into serious literary fiction. But with Nayana, such myths have backyarded with profound narration and very intense intertwining with the series of events and scenes of life.
Miss Timmins’s School of Girls narrates the story of young Charu with strong individual characteristics, remarkably amidst the eventful collective surroundings. She hails from a traditional family background; usually it refers to the reality of India’s non-metropolis urban spaces. She moves to an Anglo Missionaries school with upward aspirations, that’s also a commonly prevailing in modern India. Here, in the course of adaptation with British colonial tantrums of public school, such as rock “n” roll {not awkward here}, drugs {not obscene here}, free love philosophy {way of life here}, Charu overtures with an absurd nostalgia of Britain’s crumbling signs of colonialism. Alas, in 1970s, novel depicts such scene albeit still many public schools in India nurtures similar complex among its students which we often see in roaring at public spaces when someone from Doon or Stephens announces, the word “dichotomous” is strictly patented for them and their elite tribes! Will they ever heed to the truths?
Until Charu started moving with normalcy, thrills suddenly reaches to the crest and at dangerous level…in a dark havocking monsoon night, a teacher is murdered and her world changes forever. She finds herself falsely implicated; rest is her struggle to prove herself out of offence. She finally succeeds but not without meeting the worst of suffering that world offers to a person in deep trouble. The best this is, this novel hardly has any popular tone, so there is not even a distant chance to be get it called a thriller. Interpretations of every covert component of events have given proper space within the framework of story. Nayana must be a happy author, as after writing such a detailed fiction can be remain carefree from the critics who will be never afford to ignore the intrinsic literary puts on the pages.
Where originality of work is the major strength, it becomes hard to see it in comparison with the other contemporary works. In recent times, many books have been written in popular literature with centralizing the elite professional institutions but barely could we see an entire novel centered on a Missionaries school. May be, this trend is co-related to India’s own resilience as a stable democracy and vibrant economy that outgrowing the imposed eliticism of erstwhile universally accepted schools. World is open now, so obviously the realm of ideas; nevertheless, distinct and offbeat experiences still have many takers. Sometime in the utter fantasies but mostly in nostalgic possession. Nayana has woven the plot for her novel with a rare mix of insider’s lucid accounts {life inside the walls of closely monitored old type Public schools} and the natural sarcasm that refers for a free life out of false and sinful cosmopolitanism!
Reckoning history, personal or collective, timid or buoyant always gives an edge over the state of not knowing the past. Sixty four years on of India’s independence, still our “tryst with destiny” is in progress but unfortunately level of struggle is perilously unequal and divided in hierarchies now. Every day passes, meaning of this nation differentiated for the different segments …either in soft tone or in candid expression, if literary writings are touching those issues that means sentiments are not completely dried out. Like this novel, looking on lives of schools or any other collective conditions profusely allow an author to delve with the broader realities of time besides searching personal world. Up to the end, this book is pleasantly readable…among the best entries in fiction this year, Miss Timmins’ School of Girls should be considered for the top slot. Indian literary writing in English has grown richer with this debut novel of Nayana…!
Atul Kumar Thakur
September 30, 2011, Friday, New Delhi
Email: summertickets@gmail.com
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