In my early salad days in Banaras Hindu University; Shayaji Gaikwad or Central Library used to be place of my wishful loitering-thanks goes to a side stack of this grand library where I first saw the name of Edmond Privat as an author of “The Clash of Loyalties”. Charmed by its name and themes on colonialism, I found reason to engage myself with the book that could be easily acknowledged as representative work of Edmond Privat and one of the best impartial books written by any Whiteman. This Swiss national was born in 1889, educated at Cambridge University and thoroughly kept his independent views as a journalist, scholar, moralist and the Chairman of European Committee for Indian independence from 1932to1939.
He came early in journalism in 1903 with a monthly journal L’a Juna Esperantisto {Young Esperantist} with his classmate-Hector Holder, who was also a successor of an artist with high reputes. With his forthright stand, he stood with the Indian independence movement for at least three decades; his entwining with India&Indians started with meeting towering icon, Tagore in 1926 at the place of Roman Rolland in Villanueva near the Geneva Lake. Next time, he met to Tagore in 1932, meanwhile in 1931-after the failure of IInd Round Table Conference, he met to his real inspiration Gandhi, first as an interpreter at the same house of French scholar Roman Rolland. Edmond Privat had unbeatable argument about the prevailing contradiction of his time; as a journalist he overtly stood against the individual and collective prejudices and never let himself aligned with the power mongered colonialists.
Today, it’s hard to trace even a tint of information about this very genuine friend of India who played so active role in Indian independence-its matter of grave concern to see such apathy from both the academic and government side. His close acquaintances with Gandhi given him the real concern for India and of course a special nomenclature as well-Anand {Joy}, for him and Bhakti {Devotion} for his wife. His impression for Gandhi rose to momentum in his very first meeting-he accompanied Gandhi during his meeting with Mussolini in Rome and remained with him even till reaching Mumbai. His proximity to Gandhi imparted him the closer senses of India’s plight and its exploitation carries by the graceful British. Verbatim of Edmond Privat has been beautifully placed by P.C.Roy Choudhury in his small though insightful work “Edmond Privat: A Forgotten Friend of India” as “I aspired and still aspire to be a citizen, not of an empire but of community of a free association of equals…what is there that we two nations cannot accomplish together”. Dr.Privat had lucidly written about his proximity with Gandhi and India in “Ank Indes Avet Gandhi” {French}-during his London days, he played very active role for Indian League with Krishna Menon.
Privat dreamt for an active conscious world with rethinking on present state of compartmentalization among the modern states. He vehementally the coercion of collective sin for its subdued ramifications over the individual spirits. Tracing of British character was a remarkable accomplishment from him-in his book “The English from Pirates to Prophets”, he analyses how the Saxon pirates landed in Great Britain and had set up ten kingdoms on the ruins of the Roman cities. Christian churches replaced the temples of Jupiter and the antique cult of the Druids in certain regions; this solid observation is a big question mark over the fabricated intellectual tradition of western world.
He was an active entity of international politics…his zest first started as reporter for famous French daily newspaper La Temps {The Times} in Russia and entire Central Europe. Here, he displayed his moral support for Polish independence; his book “The Odyssey of Poland” was hugely admired by the peoples including the remarkable liberal voices like, H.G.Wells and Roman Rolland. As a tireless journalist, he compiled his reporting experience of Central Europe in “Addventuroj de Pionorio” {Adventures of the Pioneer}…even later, he remained contributing for Socialistic French dailies like “Droit du Peuple {Right of the People}, Le Sentinell under the title of Le Peuple. As an internationalist and a great champion of freedom, he did fairly remarkable albeit his name is almost obscure in the country like India where he contributed with the most of makers of modern India. Two jewels of Indian politics-Gandhi and Nehru were very much impressed with this gentle Englishman for being active for freedom of nation…alas! Post independence, Edmond Privat never received his due which he was deserved gracefully. At least now, we need to revisit our foreign friends of independence movement…historiography have to take an essential turn now!
Atul Kumar Thakur
October27th 2010, Wednesday
New Delhi
atul_mdb@rediffmaail.com
Showing posts with label Indian Freedom Movement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indian Freedom Movement. Show all posts
Tuesday, November 2, 2010
Friday, April 30, 2010
Mahamana Madan Mohan Malaviya: An Unparalleled Visionary
Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the patriot, educationist, statesman, orator, lawyer, journalist, social reformer and an unparalleled institution maker was born in a family of great luminaries and materially indifferent parents at Prayag (Allahabad)on December 25, 1861.
His forefathers were originally hailing from the Malwa region and known for scholastic leanings, they moved to Allahabad in late 15th century to escape the atrocious treatment of contemporary Muslim rulers. Allahabad turned out to be their home and locale of learning pursuits. Malviya, also known as Mahamana was born in a modest locality then known as Diggi (now Malaviya Nagar) in a small house in Kucha. Sanwaldas of the Syrakund or Lal Malaviya Jee was the fifth of the eight children of Pandit Brajnath and Moona Devi.
His father, a great Sanskrit scholar wrote a remarkable book titled 'Siddhant-Darpana', an exposition of the Bhakti or devotion - the book was published in the year 1906, by his worthy son from Abhudya press. Because of no material leaning, the family circumstances didn’t permit Pandit Brajnath to provide higher education to his children but the case of Malaviya went in a different positive direction, as the great man was steadfast to sail against the tides.
After his basic education at home, he admitted to free Haradeva Guruki Pathsala under the great disciplinarian, Haradevji. There, he learned the intricacies of life and how to cope with the challenges. Further, he enrolled to another school, run by Vidya Vardhini Sabha. At this institution, he came closer to some young scholars like Pandit Devaki Nandan - and developed a taste for public life and knowledge.
He matriculated from the Allahabad Zila School, then the exam was conducted by the Calcutta University in that region. Apart from being an avid learner and extraordinary student, Malaviya was equally passionate for music and sports. He had masterly command over traditional music instruments like, flute, sitar. With music as well, he inherited a lot from his father - and brother, Jai Krishna - a distinguished Sitar player of his time.
Malviya laid stress on the significance of good health which according to him was essential for public spirit and consistency in life. In adolescence, he sensed his duty for the motherland and started shaping his life as per the requirements which made him ready for independence struggle and anti-communal activities.
His commitment for higher education brought him to prestigious Muir Central College (then housed at Darbhanga Castle. Soon, his principled and meritorious capabilities drawn the attention of school's visionary principle, Mr. H.Harison. He took special care of young Malaviya and remained gracious even after a grand reception led by Malviya against the will of British Raj, for Lord Ripon, a kind man for India.
In 1881, he married with Kundan Devi of Mirzapur. By that time, he was eighteen year old and was an undergraduate at the Muir Central College, Allahabad. In 1884, he awarded with B.A from Calcutta University. Three years later, the city of Allahabad had its first University which was born out from Muir College. At later phases, Allahabad University epitomized the anglicized education in eastern India.
It’s hardly a well known fact that his surname 'Malaviya' was broken from his forefathers' surname 'Malai'. He in fact made his surname 'Malviya' on his own. After completion of university education, he took a modest job of school teacher. Subsequently, he founded in December 1889, a remarkable public institution Bharati Bhawan Library - and built a hostel for outstation students in Allahabad University during that phase.
This man in Chaugoshia (turban) shot to high fame in the Indian National Congress's Calcutta session of 1896. Raja Rampal Singh of Kalankankar offered him to edit a Hindi daily Hindustan, which he accepted with some conditions. He brought effective changes for heralding for culture of Hindi press and freedom of press at large.
The mission was quite tough, but for a man on mission for motherland's independence like Malaviya - it was doable. He raised the tone of resistance against the colonial suppression, with a fine show of journalism and civil activism. Abhudaya was another publication under his editorship that radicalized freedom movement in that terrain. This publication was finally converted into a daily in 1915, with the support of Purushottam Das Tandon and Pandit Krishnakant.
His zeal for academics persisted even after his University education and that encouraged him to get a degree in law in 1891. He joined the Bar at Allahabad High Court, besides doing a job of Assistant Editor at The Indian Opinion. Even in midst of such time-consuming engagements, he always managed time to think for his dream institution which he had been shaping inside his mind and heart.
Malaviya was an incorrigible multi-tasker, so as next move for motherland’s liberty - he played a formidable role in establishing an English daily The Leader(1909). For better grouping of nationalists, he persuaded Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru to settle in Allahabad. Moreover, the presence of Sir Sundar Lal, Pandit Motilal Nehru and Mr.Chaudhury kept him in action for the great causes he stood with.Indeed, the period was most memorable from a point of view of Allahabad’s high stake in academic and other significant matters.
He equally volunteered for the cause of Hindi and other public initiatives, including Kashi Nagri Prachirini Sabha. These efforts were crucial and pertinent from the sake of 'identity revival' among the masses. His apperance as a lawyer was very impressive which he had shown on crucial occasions. Among other immensely important cases his took for national causes were for Chauri Chaura incident, Round Table Conference in 1932 and for Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru in Parliament bombing case.
Lord Curzon, then the Viceroy was greatly alarmed by the proliferation of nationalist activities inside the academic circle, and appointed an Indian Universities commission in 1904 to probe into the working of Indian Universities. All the Universities were brought directly under government control. Lord Curzon, by this act, again left a reason for mass-scale dissatisfaction and discontents.
This errant move of British rule couldn’t stop Malviya to think further for Kashi Hindu Vishwavidlaya or Banaras Hindu University.In 1904, he hold a resolution for establishing a Hindu University at Kashi under the presidentship of the Maharaja of Banaras. For that matter, he received first token donation of fifty-one rupees for the University from his father.
Debate over the University grew more during Banaras session of Indian National Congress held on December 31, 1905, Banaras. This took place at the Town Hall, under the presidentship of Shri B.N.Mahajani. The scheme of the Hindu University was placed before the representatives of all religious and renowned educationists. With such positive development, the public announcement of Banaras Hindu University was finally enunciated on January 1,1906.
The other contemporary moves boosted confidence in Mahamana - and the Central Hindu College, after witnessing a great success under the visionary leadership of Annie Besant, applied for statuary Royal Charter for the establishment of a 'University of India' under the signatures of influential personalities. The Bharat Dharma Mahamandal of Kashi under the presidentship of the Maharaja of Darbhanga, had simultaneously launched a scheme for the establishment of a Sanatan Dharma University.
In the year 1911, the Maharaja of Darbhanga along with Annie Besant incorporated his scheme with that of the Hindu University - he personally too took great interest and met Lord Harding (then the serving Governor General) with plan of University and received his consent. However, the Education Secretary Harcourt Buttler became alarmed to see the prominence of Hindi in proposed University, he gave mandate for English, as the medium of education in Banaras Hindu University that for time being accepted by Mahamana.
Malaviya had vision to see the future changes and their imminent effects. So, he had shown flexibility on his earlier plan to use mother tongue as medium of instruction at B.H.U. Finally the dream came true on the Vasant Panchami day, February 4, 1916 - and foundation stone of Banaras Hindu University was laid by Lord Harding in the presence of august gathering and thousands of city dwellers.
Although, Malaviya's compulsions were well understood but the conferment of Doctorate of Letters to Prince of Wales on December 13, 1921 was an unusual decision that was critically seen within the political and academic circle. Albeit, he stood on his reason as he thought universalization of education, is a key factor for human development.
His convictions were universalist at times. Soon, B.H.U was shifted from its Kamaccha Campus to the new (existing) campus at Nagwa Ghat. He spent considerable time in the capacity of University's Vice Canceller. In 1938, he resigned from the post of VC and continued as its Rector till his death on Nov 12, 1946. It was a good fortune of this university that it was served in early phases by a numbers of distinguished scholars and benign human beings, likes of Dr. Amarnath Jha, Dr. Radhakrishnan, Pandit Govind Malaviya, Acharaya Narendra Deo, Dr. C.P.Ramaswamy Aiyer.
For making his dream coming true, Malaviya intertwined with privations and never took even a pittance from the University and remained concerned for its further development in different domain. For the size of University, he founded and maintained throughout his life, could become possible only through preserving best human values in its administration. He faced several incidences of insults from cynical feudal heads, but a graceful Malaviya had always maintained his stature and conquered those narrow irritants with his pragmatic actions.
While remaining absorbed in University's works, he remained equally focussed on independence movement and created an interface between these two in manner where the newly founded University became the centre of pro-independence activities. Malaviya did justice to the diverse roles he played, including of being top brass in Indian National Congress through his unparalleled will and sacrifice on family front.
While he was an epoch-maker, he was always surrounded with the tragedies, right up from the loss of his siblings at young ages to the accidental death of his supportive wife. He had four sons and three daughters - they followed the father's great path but only Pandit Govind Malaviya could touch the level of fame which one could expect from a worthy descendant of Mahamana.
Right up to the day of foundation to now, the University of Mahamana has always played a formidable role in strengthening of the national causes. Its culture is blended with both modernity and tradition. The ethics and humanity stay on course here along with the pastime for high standard education in 'Guru-Shishya' tradition.
Many changes have taken place inside the University and its reputation as 'Center of Excellence' has expanded to all major streams. Its old hostels and few old nameplates like, 'College of Arts', 'Bharati Mahavidyalaya', 'Mahila Mahavidyalaya' and others are suddenly give a chance to roam in down memory lane.
Mahamana through his great humane value never let disoriented the middle nomenclature of the university and truly succeeded to establish an unparalleled institution. As an alumni of Mahamana’s great institution, I have reasons to look back on my own time spent there and the life-long bond that I have with my Alma Mater. The Kulgeet of the University says best about it "Madhur manohar ativ sundar, ye hai sarva vidya ki rajdhani."
Atul K Thakur
April 27,2010
summertickets@gmail.com
His forefathers were originally hailing from the Malwa region and known for scholastic leanings, they moved to Allahabad in late 15th century to escape the atrocious treatment of contemporary Muslim rulers. Allahabad turned out to be their home and locale of learning pursuits. Malviya, also known as Mahamana was born in a modest locality then known as Diggi (now Malaviya Nagar) in a small house in Kucha. Sanwaldas of the Syrakund or Lal Malaviya Jee was the fifth of the eight children of Pandit Brajnath and Moona Devi.
His father, a great Sanskrit scholar wrote a remarkable book titled 'Siddhant-Darpana', an exposition of the Bhakti or devotion - the book was published in the year 1906, by his worthy son from Abhudya press. Because of no material leaning, the family circumstances didn’t permit Pandit Brajnath to provide higher education to his children but the case of Malaviya went in a different positive direction, as the great man was steadfast to sail against the tides.
After his basic education at home, he admitted to free Haradeva Guruki Pathsala under the great disciplinarian, Haradevji. There, he learned the intricacies of life and how to cope with the challenges. Further, he enrolled to another school, run by Vidya Vardhini Sabha. At this institution, he came closer to some young scholars like Pandit Devaki Nandan - and developed a taste for public life and knowledge.
He matriculated from the Allahabad Zila School, then the exam was conducted by the Calcutta University in that region. Apart from being an avid learner and extraordinary student, Malaviya was equally passionate for music and sports. He had masterly command over traditional music instruments like, flute, sitar. With music as well, he inherited a lot from his father - and brother, Jai Krishna - a distinguished Sitar player of his time.
Malviya laid stress on the significance of good health which according to him was essential for public spirit and consistency in life. In adolescence, he sensed his duty for the motherland and started shaping his life as per the requirements which made him ready for independence struggle and anti-communal activities.
His commitment for higher education brought him to prestigious Muir Central College (then housed at Darbhanga Castle. Soon, his principled and meritorious capabilities drawn the attention of school's visionary principle, Mr. H.Harison. He took special care of young Malaviya and remained gracious even after a grand reception led by Malviya against the will of British Raj, for Lord Ripon, a kind man for India.
In 1881, he married with Kundan Devi of Mirzapur. By that time, he was eighteen year old and was an undergraduate at the Muir Central College, Allahabad. In 1884, he awarded with B.A from Calcutta University. Three years later, the city of Allahabad had its first University which was born out from Muir College. At later phases, Allahabad University epitomized the anglicized education in eastern India.
It’s hardly a well known fact that his surname 'Malaviya' was broken from his forefathers' surname 'Malai'. He in fact made his surname 'Malviya' on his own. After completion of university education, he took a modest job of school teacher. Subsequently, he founded in December 1889, a remarkable public institution Bharati Bhawan Library - and built a hostel for outstation students in Allahabad University during that phase.
This man in Chaugoshia (turban) shot to high fame in the Indian National Congress's Calcutta session of 1896. Raja Rampal Singh of Kalankankar offered him to edit a Hindi daily Hindustan, which he accepted with some conditions. He brought effective changes for heralding for culture of Hindi press and freedom of press at large.
The mission was quite tough, but for a man on mission for motherland's independence like Malaviya - it was doable. He raised the tone of resistance against the colonial suppression, with a fine show of journalism and civil activism. Abhudaya was another publication under his editorship that radicalized freedom movement in that terrain. This publication was finally converted into a daily in 1915, with the support of Purushottam Das Tandon and Pandit Krishnakant.
His zeal for academics persisted even after his University education and that encouraged him to get a degree in law in 1891. He joined the Bar at Allahabad High Court, besides doing a job of Assistant Editor at The Indian Opinion. Even in midst of such time-consuming engagements, he always managed time to think for his dream institution which he had been shaping inside his mind and heart.
Malaviya was an incorrigible multi-tasker, so as next move for motherland’s liberty - he played a formidable role in establishing an English daily The Leader(1909). For better grouping of nationalists, he persuaded Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru to settle in Allahabad. Moreover, the presence of Sir Sundar Lal, Pandit Motilal Nehru and Mr.Chaudhury kept him in action for the great causes he stood with.Indeed, the period was most memorable from a point of view of Allahabad’s high stake in academic and other significant matters.
He equally volunteered for the cause of Hindi and other public initiatives, including Kashi Nagri Prachirini Sabha. These efforts were crucial and pertinent from the sake of 'identity revival' among the masses. His apperance as a lawyer was very impressive which he had shown on crucial occasions. Among other immensely important cases his took for national causes were for Chauri Chaura incident, Round Table Conference in 1932 and for Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru in Parliament bombing case.
Lord Curzon, then the Viceroy was greatly alarmed by the proliferation of nationalist activities inside the academic circle, and appointed an Indian Universities commission in 1904 to probe into the working of Indian Universities. All the Universities were brought directly under government control. Lord Curzon, by this act, again left a reason for mass-scale dissatisfaction and discontents.
This errant move of British rule couldn’t stop Malviya to think further for Kashi Hindu Vishwavidlaya or Banaras Hindu University.In 1904, he hold a resolution for establishing a Hindu University at Kashi under the presidentship of the Maharaja of Banaras. For that matter, he received first token donation of fifty-one rupees for the University from his father.
Debate over the University grew more during Banaras session of Indian National Congress held on December 31, 1905, Banaras. This took place at the Town Hall, under the presidentship of Shri B.N.Mahajani. The scheme of the Hindu University was placed before the representatives of all religious and renowned educationists. With such positive development, the public announcement of Banaras Hindu University was finally enunciated on January 1,1906.
The other contemporary moves boosted confidence in Mahamana - and the Central Hindu College, after witnessing a great success under the visionary leadership of Annie Besant, applied for statuary Royal Charter for the establishment of a 'University of India' under the signatures of influential personalities. The Bharat Dharma Mahamandal of Kashi under the presidentship of the Maharaja of Darbhanga, had simultaneously launched a scheme for the establishment of a Sanatan Dharma University.
In the year 1911, the Maharaja of Darbhanga along with Annie Besant incorporated his scheme with that of the Hindu University - he personally too took great interest and met Lord Harding (then the serving Governor General) with plan of University and received his consent. However, the Education Secretary Harcourt Buttler became alarmed to see the prominence of Hindi in proposed University, he gave mandate for English, as the medium of education in Banaras Hindu University that for time being accepted by Mahamana.
Malaviya had vision to see the future changes and their imminent effects. So, he had shown flexibility on his earlier plan to use mother tongue as medium of instruction at B.H.U. Finally the dream came true on the Vasant Panchami day, February 4, 1916 - and foundation stone of Banaras Hindu University was laid by Lord Harding in the presence of august gathering and thousands of city dwellers.
Although, Malaviya's compulsions were well understood but the conferment of Doctorate of Letters to Prince of Wales on December 13, 1921 was an unusual decision that was critically seen within the political and academic circle. Albeit, he stood on his reason as he thought universalization of education, is a key factor for human development.
His convictions were universalist at times. Soon, B.H.U was shifted from its Kamaccha Campus to the new (existing) campus at Nagwa Ghat. He spent considerable time in the capacity of University's Vice Canceller. In 1938, he resigned from the post of VC and continued as its Rector till his death on Nov 12, 1946. It was a good fortune of this university that it was served in early phases by a numbers of distinguished scholars and benign human beings, likes of Dr. Amarnath Jha, Dr. Radhakrishnan, Pandit Govind Malaviya, Acharaya Narendra Deo, Dr. C.P.Ramaswamy Aiyer.
For making his dream coming true, Malaviya intertwined with privations and never took even a pittance from the University and remained concerned for its further development in different domain. For the size of University, he founded and maintained throughout his life, could become possible only through preserving best human values in its administration. He faced several incidences of insults from cynical feudal heads, but a graceful Malaviya had always maintained his stature and conquered those narrow irritants with his pragmatic actions.
While remaining absorbed in University's works, he remained equally focussed on independence movement and created an interface between these two in manner where the newly founded University became the centre of pro-independence activities. Malaviya did justice to the diverse roles he played, including of being top brass in Indian National Congress through his unparalleled will and sacrifice on family front.
While he was an epoch-maker, he was always surrounded with the tragedies, right up from the loss of his siblings at young ages to the accidental death of his supportive wife. He had four sons and three daughters - they followed the father's great path but only Pandit Govind Malaviya could touch the level of fame which one could expect from a worthy descendant of Mahamana.
Right up to the day of foundation to now, the University of Mahamana has always played a formidable role in strengthening of the national causes. Its culture is blended with both modernity and tradition. The ethics and humanity stay on course here along with the pastime for high standard education in 'Guru-Shishya' tradition.
Many changes have taken place inside the University and its reputation as 'Center of Excellence' has expanded to all major streams. Its old hostels and few old nameplates like, 'College of Arts', 'Bharati Mahavidyalaya', 'Mahila Mahavidyalaya' and others are suddenly give a chance to roam in down memory lane.
Mahamana through his great humane value never let disoriented the middle nomenclature of the university and truly succeeded to establish an unparalleled institution. As an alumni of Mahamana’s great institution, I have reasons to look back on my own time spent there and the life-long bond that I have with my Alma Mater. The Kulgeet of the University says best about it "Madhur manohar ativ sundar, ye hai sarva vidya ki rajdhani."
Atul K Thakur
April 27,2010
summertickets@gmail.com
Monday, March 29, 2010
Girija Prasad Koirala: Architect of Democratic Nepal
A man who grew up under the visionary mentorship of father Krishna Prasad Koirala, and later elder brother Bishwesar Prasad Koirala {BPK}have played very pivotal role in the crucial political development of Nepal that’s span ranging almost for six long decades. Girija Prasad Koirala {GPK}, through his stout democratic vision and its execution, secured for himself a position that was never been a streamed precedence in Nepali politics-that towering stature in national politics also imparted him an inevitable crucial position in entire South Asian region.
Through his stellar performances, with maintaining steadfast attitude in his working style, he truly secured a position in Nepal’s politics that makes even his ardent critics unviable to completely staring him out from any political developments in last six decades.
This tallest figure of Nepalese politics was the youngest of the six children of Krishna Prasad Koirala and Divya Koirala-he was born in Birpur{Saharsa, North Bihar} in 1924 and later moved to Varanasi where his family was compelled to settle down and keep their struggle alive against the Rana regime in exile; city of Varanasi indeed appeared as a safe camouflage for them-there the Koirala’s grew up, studied and started sharing great bonds with the contemporary Indian politics which was entirely focused independence struggle.
The time was of ripe unrest in both the country that was sensed very well by visionary B.P.koirala and made endeavor for wider democratic activism in the region-it wouldn’t be an exaggeration, if his participation in Quit India Movement in 1942 and three years imprisonment for the cause of Indian independence may be regarded as peak of co-operation between two neighboring country. He succeeded enough here to mobiles Indian support to overthrow Rana regime {1846-1950} in 1950 and subsequently reached to a very comprehensive Delhi Agreement with the help of Indian interlocution led by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
Apart from many significant moves, this treaty made way forward for parliamentary democracy in Nepal-that was genesis of democracy as an idea in the Himalayan Kingdom and naturally pioneering have been started from the Koirala’s. Although Shah Regime didn’t resolute their pledge until 1958, when the first Parliamentary elections was convened under its patriarch, B.P.Koirala who further won the majority to rule-he became the first Prime Minister of Nepal albeit couldn’t prolong it in the wake of dissolution of democracy by the King Mahendra.
The next thirty years remained the struggle phase for democratic maneuverings-being the supreme rank of opposition, B.P.Koirala had to face the ire of Monarchy; he was imprisoned for eight years to contain the democratic move by Nepali Congress. This period of adverseness bestowed upon young brothers-Matrika Prasad Koirala and Girija Prasad Koirala to play key organizational leadership-death of B.P.Koirala in 1982, further maximized the potential for Girija Prasad Koirala in next order of politics in Nepal.
Indeed GPK shown his great capacity as successor of his family values-his father, a follower of Mahatma Gandhi, who died in imprisonment for his pro-democracy convictions and later elder brother, B.P Koirala’s life long commitment for socialism and non-alignment infused in him a great taste of democracy and relentless struggle for its materialization. Since the inception of Nepali Congress in 1947 {at Varanasi, India} by the exiled Nepali political activists, he remained a profound voice within the party and indulged himself even in illicit act like hijacking a Plane and printing of fake Indian currency to assist the violent revolution for democracy in 1970’s but on the twilight of the decade, Nepali Congress moved for peaceful means which also reduced the reason of illicitness.
He must be given maximum credit for endowing Nepali Congress, a principal for parliamentary democracy with place for constitutional Monarchy-probably, such shrewd tracts with mix of pragmatism empowered him to serve as Prime Minister for record five times albeit without completing the entire tenure.
Strong stuckness with power also led him for lot of criticism that especially derived from his autocratic manner in party line, corruption and in last phase of his overt nepotism to back his unpopular daughter Sujata Koirala who is now the deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in present government. For personnel rise too, he deftly sidelined the two measure force of Nepali Congress-Ganesh Man Singh and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai after the restoration of democracy in 1991; Nepali Congress won the majority and he as a top choice became the Prime Minister.
Though his tectonic shift from a rebellion and a Trade Union leader {In early phase of career, Birgunj}to top legislative representative didn’t happened without compromising on ideological and ethical front-throughout his stint, he maintained one-man domination in party by applying marginalization of senior leaders and promoting nepotism. Corruption was on all time high during his first three years in Prime Minister Office which fetched him stout criticism and condition of resignation; such initiation was indeed very unfortunate for the democratic foundation of Nepal.
Anyway, he remained unconvinced through all these developments and kept working as a maverick in Nepali politics-he played a well choreographed role during the decade long Maoist insurgency and transition of Royal rule; his next stint as PM between 1998 and 2000 was very crucial from contemporary perspective. His pragmatic role after the unfortunate Royal Massacre in 2001 and later in 2002, when King Gyanendra dismissed a democratic government, submitting power to loyal nominees couldn’t deter his systematic resoluteness for power. In2003, like a true leader, initiated contact with the underground Maoist rebels and further fall of the 2005 deadline given by the King for executive power led the seven parties to signing the 12-point agreement {In Delhi, November 2005, with the Indian help}that stroked the historic people’s movement of April2006.
After the peoples movement, 240 years old Royal rule was collapsed in2008; now Koirala again had to play a pivotal role to track the country’s back to peace and development as Prime Minister albeit it was not materialized in proper manner-indeed this phase was peak in his career except a single unfulfilled dream left, to be the first President of “Republic of Nepal” due to expected spat with Maoists. He drafted a mix fortune for Nepali Congress in his life time where he led Nepali Congress to the peak but couldn’t succeeded to prepare a second tier leadership which now haunting the party very dearly besides on many macro policies, he failed to led Nepal towards out of corruption, instability, economic and other social deprivations. Despite some odds, whenever this giant of Nepali politics stood in his Daura-Suruwal, he always appeared as a voice of nation and very much synonymous with the democracy. Indeed passing of Girija Prasad Koirala marks an end of era-both in Nepal and subcontinental politics.
Atul Kumar Thakur
March24th2010 {Wednesday}
atul_mdb@rediffmail.com
New Delhi
Through his stellar performances, with maintaining steadfast attitude in his working style, he truly secured a position in Nepal’s politics that makes even his ardent critics unviable to completely staring him out from any political developments in last six decades.
This tallest figure of Nepalese politics was the youngest of the six children of Krishna Prasad Koirala and Divya Koirala-he was born in Birpur{Saharsa, North Bihar} in 1924 and later moved to Varanasi where his family was compelled to settle down and keep their struggle alive against the Rana regime in exile; city of Varanasi indeed appeared as a safe camouflage for them-there the Koirala’s grew up, studied and started sharing great bonds with the contemporary Indian politics which was entirely focused independence struggle.
The time was of ripe unrest in both the country that was sensed very well by visionary B.P.koirala and made endeavor for wider democratic activism in the region-it wouldn’t be an exaggeration, if his participation in Quit India Movement in 1942 and three years imprisonment for the cause of Indian independence may be regarded as peak of co-operation between two neighboring country. He succeeded enough here to mobiles Indian support to overthrow Rana regime {1846-1950} in 1950 and subsequently reached to a very comprehensive Delhi Agreement with the help of Indian interlocution led by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
Apart from many significant moves, this treaty made way forward for parliamentary democracy in Nepal-that was genesis of democracy as an idea in the Himalayan Kingdom and naturally pioneering have been started from the Koirala’s. Although Shah Regime didn’t resolute their pledge until 1958, when the first Parliamentary elections was convened under its patriarch, B.P.Koirala who further won the majority to rule-he became the first Prime Minister of Nepal albeit couldn’t prolong it in the wake of dissolution of democracy by the King Mahendra.
The next thirty years remained the struggle phase for democratic maneuverings-being the supreme rank of opposition, B.P.Koirala had to face the ire of Monarchy; he was imprisoned for eight years to contain the democratic move by Nepali Congress. This period of adverseness bestowed upon young brothers-Matrika Prasad Koirala and Girija Prasad Koirala to play key organizational leadership-death of B.P.Koirala in 1982, further maximized the potential for Girija Prasad Koirala in next order of politics in Nepal.
Indeed GPK shown his great capacity as successor of his family values-his father, a follower of Mahatma Gandhi, who died in imprisonment for his pro-democracy convictions and later elder brother, B.P Koirala’s life long commitment for socialism and non-alignment infused in him a great taste of democracy and relentless struggle for its materialization. Since the inception of Nepali Congress in 1947 {at Varanasi, India} by the exiled Nepali political activists, he remained a profound voice within the party and indulged himself even in illicit act like hijacking a Plane and printing of fake Indian currency to assist the violent revolution for democracy in 1970’s but on the twilight of the decade, Nepali Congress moved for peaceful means which also reduced the reason of illicitness.
He must be given maximum credit for endowing Nepali Congress, a principal for parliamentary democracy with place for constitutional Monarchy-probably, such shrewd tracts with mix of pragmatism empowered him to serve as Prime Minister for record five times albeit without completing the entire tenure.
Strong stuckness with power also led him for lot of criticism that especially derived from his autocratic manner in party line, corruption and in last phase of his overt nepotism to back his unpopular daughter Sujata Koirala who is now the deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in present government. For personnel rise too, he deftly sidelined the two measure force of Nepali Congress-Ganesh Man Singh and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai after the restoration of democracy in 1991; Nepali Congress won the majority and he as a top choice became the Prime Minister.
Though his tectonic shift from a rebellion and a Trade Union leader {In early phase of career, Birgunj}to top legislative representative didn’t happened without compromising on ideological and ethical front-throughout his stint, he maintained one-man domination in party by applying marginalization of senior leaders and promoting nepotism. Corruption was on all time high during his first three years in Prime Minister Office which fetched him stout criticism and condition of resignation; such initiation was indeed very unfortunate for the democratic foundation of Nepal.
Anyway, he remained unconvinced through all these developments and kept working as a maverick in Nepali politics-he played a well choreographed role during the decade long Maoist insurgency and transition of Royal rule; his next stint as PM between 1998 and 2000 was very crucial from contemporary perspective. His pragmatic role after the unfortunate Royal Massacre in 2001 and later in 2002, when King Gyanendra dismissed a democratic government, submitting power to loyal nominees couldn’t deter his systematic resoluteness for power. In2003, like a true leader, initiated contact with the underground Maoist rebels and further fall of the 2005 deadline given by the King for executive power led the seven parties to signing the 12-point agreement {In Delhi, November 2005, with the Indian help}that stroked the historic people’s movement of April2006.
After the peoples movement, 240 years old Royal rule was collapsed in2008; now Koirala again had to play a pivotal role to track the country’s back to peace and development as Prime Minister albeit it was not materialized in proper manner-indeed this phase was peak in his career except a single unfulfilled dream left, to be the first President of “Republic of Nepal” due to expected spat with Maoists. He drafted a mix fortune for Nepali Congress in his life time where he led Nepali Congress to the peak but couldn’t succeeded to prepare a second tier leadership which now haunting the party very dearly besides on many macro policies, he failed to led Nepal towards out of corruption, instability, economic and other social deprivations. Despite some odds, whenever this giant of Nepali politics stood in his Daura-Suruwal, he always appeared as a voice of nation and very much synonymous with the democracy. Indeed passing of Girija Prasad Koirala marks an end of era-both in Nepal and subcontinental politics.
Atul Kumar Thakur
March24th2010 {Wednesday}
atul_mdb@rediffmail.com
New Delhi
Pablo Neruda and India
Pablo Neruda,Communist with ideas and a poet, diplomat and humanist by deeds was among the most profound voice of twentieth century-this great man from Chile have been always supported the cause of freedom and justice throughout his life and succeeded in unprecedented way in his prolific inter-cultural activities. In 1927, Neruda became the Chilean Counsel in Rangoon and spent next five years in the eastern countries that infused in him a concern for repressive colonialism in Indian Sub-continent; obviously as an ardent revolutionary, he stood with the Indian Freedom Movement and participated in A.I.C.C meeting in Kolkata {1928}. That was a chunk of gesture from him for Indian Freedom Movement albeit he did much more covertly for that historic struggle-his next visit almost took twenty two years later, when he arrived in India in 1950, the condition was entirely changed since it was now an independent nation.
Alas! Than the world politics was on the crest of lethal ideological encampment and being revolutionary were indeed used to possess a far reaching effect-so, circumstances in that phase, have compelled him to led an exiled life in Europe albeit that didn’t restrain him to be a leading name during the cold war year.He awarded with Noble peace prize for his initiatives for peace-non-alignment was a fascinating interference for him besides he had great vision for close India-U.S.S.R ties for balancing the power equation in world politics. He often called a “Soldier of Peace” for his die-hard commitments for peace and ends of ideological monopoly-knowing his temptation, famous French Scientist Juliat Coori induced him for visiting India and meeting with Nehru for tracing the ground of peace movement during the high intensity of cold war. Scientist C.V.Raman was the next person to met but before that he stuck through a terrible frisking exercise at the Mumbai Airport by Custom and Police officials-a witness of freedom movement received with such humiliating treatment in the hands of officials who treated him as a suspect and worst even, his Passport and Shoes were not spared to be ceased.
Anyhow, he managed to enter in his destined Hotel-later had a meeting with Vijaya Lakshami Pandit and received assurance for world peace movement. Further, he came to Delhi-had meeting with different groups-like of Writers, Philosophers, and Artists etc-that was the only solace for him in that visit. But his euphoria suddenly disappeared when he was called on dinner by the Ambassador of Chile, Juan Marin- he informed him about the apprehensive concern of Indian government regarding his activities.Despite such stodgy advances, he remained patient enough and moved for a meeting with Nehru in his office-he warmly reminded him about their previous meeting, yet he received a cold approval; next, he given the Juliat Coori’s later to him and asked about his message-Nehru’s next sleepy reply was “I will answer to this letter”. The only less dry proposal from Nehru was-What can I do for you? Against the nature, hurt Neruda replied that visiting monuments of splendid Tajmahal was on my wish list but now returning to Europe from first possible flight is my only priority.Although when he backed to Hotel, officials informed him about the state sponsored trip for Agra but it was too late till than-after sixty year of his last visit, it still haunts, why a cultured person like Nehru shown such dry gestures for a great visionary? Might be, he was passing through a very rough physical, political or emotional phase but in no way, it was justifiable! It was stoutly unfair to treat Pablo Neruda on the basis of contemporary communist movement in India.
Despite such bad and scratchy experience during last visit to India, Neruda surprisingly voted for Nehru as a member of panel in “Lenin Peace Prize” only five years later…indeed he succeeded as a great visionary and well wisher of Indian causes by broadly ignoring the stodgy treatment of last visit. Nehru’s treatments for Neruda were emerged from the internal feud between Indian state and confused Communist movement…whatever was the reason, it was inappropriate from both the diplomatic as well as personnel standard. A nation like India which has shaped on a historical legacy of great courtesy for its well wisher, probably lost a ground in the case of Neruda albeit he as a person and a poet have secured a permanent place in Indian peoples mind and heart which is a true respect for him and his bond for India… of course, Pablo Neruda was aware about that bright side from his loving India.
Atul Kumar Thakur
March24th2010 {Wednesday}
New Delhi
atul_mdb@rediffmail.com
Alas! Than the world politics was on the crest of lethal ideological encampment and being revolutionary were indeed used to possess a far reaching effect-so, circumstances in that phase, have compelled him to led an exiled life in Europe albeit that didn’t restrain him to be a leading name during the cold war year.He awarded with Noble peace prize for his initiatives for peace-non-alignment was a fascinating interference for him besides he had great vision for close India-U.S.S.R ties for balancing the power equation in world politics. He often called a “Soldier of Peace” for his die-hard commitments for peace and ends of ideological monopoly-knowing his temptation, famous French Scientist Juliat Coori induced him for visiting India and meeting with Nehru for tracing the ground of peace movement during the high intensity of cold war. Scientist C.V.Raman was the next person to met but before that he stuck through a terrible frisking exercise at the Mumbai Airport by Custom and Police officials-a witness of freedom movement received with such humiliating treatment in the hands of officials who treated him as a suspect and worst even, his Passport and Shoes were not spared to be ceased.
Anyhow, he managed to enter in his destined Hotel-later had a meeting with Vijaya Lakshami Pandit and received assurance for world peace movement. Further, he came to Delhi-had meeting with different groups-like of Writers, Philosophers, and Artists etc-that was the only solace for him in that visit. But his euphoria suddenly disappeared when he was called on dinner by the Ambassador of Chile, Juan Marin- he informed him about the apprehensive concern of Indian government regarding his activities.Despite such stodgy advances, he remained patient enough and moved for a meeting with Nehru in his office-he warmly reminded him about their previous meeting, yet he received a cold approval; next, he given the Juliat Coori’s later to him and asked about his message-Nehru’s next sleepy reply was “I will answer to this letter”. The only less dry proposal from Nehru was-What can I do for you? Against the nature, hurt Neruda replied that visiting monuments of splendid Tajmahal was on my wish list but now returning to Europe from first possible flight is my only priority.Although when he backed to Hotel, officials informed him about the state sponsored trip for Agra but it was too late till than-after sixty year of his last visit, it still haunts, why a cultured person like Nehru shown such dry gestures for a great visionary? Might be, he was passing through a very rough physical, political or emotional phase but in no way, it was justifiable! It was stoutly unfair to treat Pablo Neruda on the basis of contemporary communist movement in India.
Despite such bad and scratchy experience during last visit to India, Neruda surprisingly voted for Nehru as a member of panel in “Lenin Peace Prize” only five years later…indeed he succeeded as a great visionary and well wisher of Indian causes by broadly ignoring the stodgy treatment of last visit. Nehru’s treatments for Neruda were emerged from the internal feud between Indian state and confused Communist movement…whatever was the reason, it was inappropriate from both the diplomatic as well as personnel standard. A nation like India which has shaped on a historical legacy of great courtesy for its well wisher, probably lost a ground in the case of Neruda albeit he as a person and a poet have secured a permanent place in Indian peoples mind and heart which is a true respect for him and his bond for India… of course, Pablo Neruda was aware about that bright side from his loving India.
Atul Kumar Thakur
March24th2010 {Wednesday}
New Delhi
atul_mdb@rediffmail.com
Tuesday, August 25, 2009
Jinnah: An Evangelist of Virulent Ideas
Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the patriarch of a nation called Pakistan gaining utmost limelight nowadays at least in the imagination of Armed Force officer turned Politician turned a writer Mr. Jaswant Singh who’s getting mixed sort of tag for his juvenile researched book Jinnah: India- Pakistan-Independence. This book came with an unprecedented shock to India’s long standing ethos which culminated in the long process of time, further it engraved with an adversely personified exchange of India’s nation maker’s impressions.
Jaswant Singh’s moves seems to intended for big acclamation and commercial success; in this process he became so hurried that he even forgets to put some genuine historical facts in his historical queries of highly ambiguous political scenario of pre- independent India. In this regard early and timely suited remarks of India’s leading historian, Ram Chandra Guha that “History is not a mathematical game” astutely reveals the feeble nature of this book.
Indeed Mr. Jinnah began his political life as a child of the enlightenment the seeds of which were planted in undivided India by the statesmen of Victorian England but that was not sustained as last eventuality as he was an astute expert of legal practices and his success was largely due to the fact that he was quick to seize the tactical implications of any development. In reality he was a man of ambition and had a very high opinion of his own abilities and the success which he conquered relentlessly in his early professional life.
After a considerable phase of his idealistic convictions he changed his mind for a separate platform of a nation based on communal division, than foremost reason for his avoidance the older beliefs and the Gandhian Congress was his nervousness about the consequences of rousing mass enthusiasm. Some of his quotation sourced from the book “Religion in Politics (Arun Shourie) and Federation of Pakistan which also appeared in The Economic Times dated on August 20th beaks the silence on his actual visions of future.
Countering Congress demand for freedom of a united India, Jinnah raised his voice of protest to gathered crowd at Madras… “In this subcontinent, you have two different societies – the Muslim society and the Hindu society and particularly in this land there is another nation that is the Dravidian. Attacking Mahatma Gandhi for his refusal to accept Muslim League as sole representative of Indian Muslims, Jinnah said “Why should not Mr. Gandhi be proud to say “I am a Hindu, the Congress has a solid Hindu backing. I am not ashamed of saying that I am a Musalman.I am right, I hope and I think even a blind man must have been convinced by now, that the Muslim League has the solid backing of the Musalman of India.
Why then all this camouflage? Why not proudly representing your people and let me meet you proudly representing the Musalmans”. Attacking Muslim Congressmen as “dupes”, “betrayers, traitors and cranks”.
Jinnah said: “The conduct of these dupes of the Congress and these betrayers well nigh disheartens me and I some times ask myself if a community which can still produce so many foolish or treacherous men is worth carrying for, praying for and weeping for. Yet, gentlemen we must not, we can not and we will not yield despair.On a constitution for a united India and democracy, Jinnah said: “Democracy means, to begin with majority rule. Majority rule in a single society is understandable.
Representative government in a single nation, harmonious and homogeneous, is understandable but can such system ever succeed when you have two different nations? Demanding Pakistan, Jinnah told League legislators in Delhi: “I have explained in great detail the fundamental and vital differences between Hindus and Muslims. There never has been for all these two nations.
The Indian unity that we talk of up to today in held by the British and they by their ultimate sanction of the Police and Army maintained peace and law and order.Jinnah’s reply to Congress’ opposition to Pakistan “The Musalmans are not a minority as is commonly known and understood...Musalmans is a nation according to any definition of a nation and they must have their homelands, their territory and their state.
All these comments showed complete contrast to the Mahatma Gandhi with whom he shared some crucial initiatives during the three decades he dominated Indian political arena and who, however much he might adapt himself to the thrusts of circumstances but he aggressively managed on a long range of his own changed perceptions about the future political development with remarkable consistency. He anticipated that a backward community like the Musalmans could be roused to action only by an appeal, its religious faith.
He kept the vows of communalism for communal causes and drawn poignant inspirations from the hard core dictators of Europe like Mussolini, Hitler etc to emerge in the helm of power that further pushed him to a perfect technique of propaganda and mass integration with like minded to which atrocity – mongering was central. For materializing his isolatory aspirations which was also proportionally conducive for the sake of British rule further strengthen the disastrous “ Divide and Rule” diplomacy over a period of half a century was blindly motivated towards this goal.
In his megalomaniac action he could never visualized own faults and kept fostering the wild motives of colonial forces who possessed utmost interest in such large scale growing strife among the India’s political parties and likely changed in key discourses. All this later development in his mindset marked a complete shift from his early ideological temperament which he profoundly shown at many junctures.
On Minto- Morley reforms, he set his face sternly against the British attempts to entice the Muslims away from their allegiance to the Congress and India’s national movement; for long he kept aloof from the Muslim League but alas such thinking couldn’t be endured forever. Here it’s inevitable to illustrate that Jinnah was deeply surrounded with contradictions over his role in contemporary Indian politics; at one side he felt impatient with emerging leadership in Congress and kept himself aloof from the Congress on the other side he also shown cold response to some very strategic stand of Muslim League.
His little sympathy with the Ali Brothers’ Khilafat Movement in Turkey and his favour of unitary government at the first Round Table Conference because of its diversity and unviablity of federal propositions are some of very lucid example of federal propositions are some of very lucid example of his ambiguous policy.
So for any proper evaluation of his work it’s quite essential to conduct a comprehensive introspection in the light of diverse time frame and issues, otherwise any judgments would be ended with improper and frivolous ramifications. So, reaching on an amicable convergence is impossible by vilifying own national heroes in the context of an amorphous act to glorify a man of contradictory nature. Despite this Mr. Jinnah even during his most fractional state never undermine the viability of strong friendship between Pakistan and India besides he also shown great faith in democracy which in subsequent phase strucked downwardly in absence of his own replacement with equal international stature and unquestioned authority over the masses.
He might have been facing many anxious thoughts about the future of newly created Pakistan.Indeed he shown some temptation for secular ideas in his initial days of career but he couldn’t sustained it for longer time; consequently Independence could be materialized only for two divided nation.
So, with such harsh consequences of a long cherished dream of millions of Indian the leaving British colonizers received an unexpected and permanent gift in terms of a long- stretch of disturb south Asia. The British colonizers found a very inevitable place for them in upcoming level playing fields of diplomacy in south, such hassle free materialization of theirs dream became possible through a very synchronized political approach of Muslim League; there folly even haunting today the Pakistan and region in terms of a consistent western intervention in their own pursuits.
Even Jinnah was completely failed to endure his own democratic vision for Pakistan in later period; in no manner he does deserves the epithet like “secular” and any glorification's of his role as torch bearer of secularism would be misleading in an integrated assessment. It would have been quite better for Mr. Jaswant Singh to focus on his meticulous Statesmen quality rather than getting involved in frisking a very in-depth and complex side of his character. Whatever may be further reaction on such more subversive standpoints it must be taken in mind by the every creative person to avail their autonomy judiciously and never on the cost of India’s moral principles which culminated over the long period and sacrifices of countless martyrs. Unsolicited aberrations must be avoided for common goods.
Atul Kumar Thakur
25th August2009, New Delhi
atul_mdb@rediffmail.com
Jaswant Singh’s moves seems to intended for big acclamation and commercial success; in this process he became so hurried that he even forgets to put some genuine historical facts in his historical queries of highly ambiguous political scenario of pre- independent India. In this regard early and timely suited remarks of India’s leading historian, Ram Chandra Guha that “History is not a mathematical game” astutely reveals the feeble nature of this book.
Indeed Mr. Jinnah began his political life as a child of the enlightenment the seeds of which were planted in undivided India by the statesmen of Victorian England but that was not sustained as last eventuality as he was an astute expert of legal practices and his success was largely due to the fact that he was quick to seize the tactical implications of any development. In reality he was a man of ambition and had a very high opinion of his own abilities and the success which he conquered relentlessly in his early professional life.
After a considerable phase of his idealistic convictions he changed his mind for a separate platform of a nation based on communal division, than foremost reason for his avoidance the older beliefs and the Gandhian Congress was his nervousness about the consequences of rousing mass enthusiasm. Some of his quotation sourced from the book “Religion in Politics (Arun Shourie) and Federation of Pakistan which also appeared in The Economic Times dated on August 20th beaks the silence on his actual visions of future.
Countering Congress demand for freedom of a united India, Jinnah raised his voice of protest to gathered crowd at Madras… “In this subcontinent, you have two different societies – the Muslim society and the Hindu society and particularly in this land there is another nation that is the Dravidian. Attacking Mahatma Gandhi for his refusal to accept Muslim League as sole representative of Indian Muslims, Jinnah said “Why should not Mr. Gandhi be proud to say “I am a Hindu, the Congress has a solid Hindu backing. I am not ashamed of saying that I am a Musalman.I am right, I hope and I think even a blind man must have been convinced by now, that the Muslim League has the solid backing of the Musalman of India.
Why then all this camouflage? Why not proudly representing your people and let me meet you proudly representing the Musalmans”. Attacking Muslim Congressmen as “dupes”, “betrayers, traitors and cranks”.
Jinnah said: “The conduct of these dupes of the Congress and these betrayers well nigh disheartens me and I some times ask myself if a community which can still produce so many foolish or treacherous men is worth carrying for, praying for and weeping for. Yet, gentlemen we must not, we can not and we will not yield despair.On a constitution for a united India and democracy, Jinnah said: “Democracy means, to begin with majority rule. Majority rule in a single society is understandable.
Representative government in a single nation, harmonious and homogeneous, is understandable but can such system ever succeed when you have two different nations? Demanding Pakistan, Jinnah told League legislators in Delhi: “I have explained in great detail the fundamental and vital differences between Hindus and Muslims. There never has been for all these two nations.
The Indian unity that we talk of up to today in held by the British and they by their ultimate sanction of the Police and Army maintained peace and law and order.Jinnah’s reply to Congress’ opposition to Pakistan “The Musalmans are not a minority as is commonly known and understood...Musalmans is a nation according to any definition of a nation and they must have their homelands, their territory and their state.
All these comments showed complete contrast to the Mahatma Gandhi with whom he shared some crucial initiatives during the three decades he dominated Indian political arena and who, however much he might adapt himself to the thrusts of circumstances but he aggressively managed on a long range of his own changed perceptions about the future political development with remarkable consistency. He anticipated that a backward community like the Musalmans could be roused to action only by an appeal, its religious faith.
He kept the vows of communalism for communal causes and drawn poignant inspirations from the hard core dictators of Europe like Mussolini, Hitler etc to emerge in the helm of power that further pushed him to a perfect technique of propaganda and mass integration with like minded to which atrocity – mongering was central. For materializing his isolatory aspirations which was also proportionally conducive for the sake of British rule further strengthen the disastrous “ Divide and Rule” diplomacy over a period of half a century was blindly motivated towards this goal.
In his megalomaniac action he could never visualized own faults and kept fostering the wild motives of colonial forces who possessed utmost interest in such large scale growing strife among the India’s political parties and likely changed in key discourses. All this later development in his mindset marked a complete shift from his early ideological temperament which he profoundly shown at many junctures.
On Minto- Morley reforms, he set his face sternly against the British attempts to entice the Muslims away from their allegiance to the Congress and India’s national movement; for long he kept aloof from the Muslim League but alas such thinking couldn’t be endured forever. Here it’s inevitable to illustrate that Jinnah was deeply surrounded with contradictions over his role in contemporary Indian politics; at one side he felt impatient with emerging leadership in Congress and kept himself aloof from the Congress on the other side he also shown cold response to some very strategic stand of Muslim League.
His little sympathy with the Ali Brothers’ Khilafat Movement in Turkey and his favour of unitary government at the first Round Table Conference because of its diversity and unviablity of federal propositions are some of very lucid example of federal propositions are some of very lucid example of his ambiguous policy.
So for any proper evaluation of his work it’s quite essential to conduct a comprehensive introspection in the light of diverse time frame and issues, otherwise any judgments would be ended with improper and frivolous ramifications. So, reaching on an amicable convergence is impossible by vilifying own national heroes in the context of an amorphous act to glorify a man of contradictory nature. Despite this Mr. Jinnah even during his most fractional state never undermine the viability of strong friendship between Pakistan and India besides he also shown great faith in democracy which in subsequent phase strucked downwardly in absence of his own replacement with equal international stature and unquestioned authority over the masses.
He might have been facing many anxious thoughts about the future of newly created Pakistan.Indeed he shown some temptation for secular ideas in his initial days of career but he couldn’t sustained it for longer time; consequently Independence could be materialized only for two divided nation.
So, with such harsh consequences of a long cherished dream of millions of Indian the leaving British colonizers received an unexpected and permanent gift in terms of a long- stretch of disturb south Asia. The British colonizers found a very inevitable place for them in upcoming level playing fields of diplomacy in south, such hassle free materialization of theirs dream became possible through a very synchronized political approach of Muslim League; there folly even haunting today the Pakistan and region in terms of a consistent western intervention in their own pursuits.
Even Jinnah was completely failed to endure his own democratic vision for Pakistan in later period; in no manner he does deserves the epithet like “secular” and any glorification's of his role as torch bearer of secularism would be misleading in an integrated assessment. It would have been quite better for Mr. Jaswant Singh to focus on his meticulous Statesmen quality rather than getting involved in frisking a very in-depth and complex side of his character. Whatever may be further reaction on such more subversive standpoints it must be taken in mind by the every creative person to avail their autonomy judiciously and never on the cost of India’s moral principles which culminated over the long period and sacrifices of countless martyrs. Unsolicited aberrations must be avoided for common goods.
Atul Kumar Thakur
25th August2009, New Delhi
atul_mdb@rediffmail.com
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